Legitimization of old forms of violence and reproduction of social inequalities in the context of the pandemic
¡Some procedures that have been deployed in the name of the Covid-19 contingency are, in reality, part of the reproduction of power structures!
The COVID-19 pandemic triggered a global crisis that exposed the most brutal aspects of neoliberalism/neo-developmentalism and placed nation-states at the center of decision-making regarding the management of this contingency. Each nation-state responded differently, but according to outdated institutional frameworks that were already in crisis. Thus, in the best-case scenario, decisions were made to mitigate the health and economic consequences of the pandemic, but these were accompanied by the legitimization of old forms of violence, such as police control during quarantine and the perpetuation of pre-existing social inequalities through family subsidy policies, revealing limitations in governance and structural inadequacies.
Indigenous peoples, as historically denied and specifically subsumed groups, constitute particularly vulnerable groups due to conditions of economic hardship, institutional abandonment and stigmatization of their own practices; and, for this very reason, no government has given them the special attention necessary in the face of this contingency.
All of this only deepens what Latin American social movements were already denouncing and demanding against neo-extractivist, capitalist, colonialist, and patriarchal models of dispossession. In the current context, these movements must redouble their efforts to sustain their struggles. In the case of Indigenous peoples, the historical genocide is compounded by new multidimensional attacks—such as the encroachment of extractive activities disguised as essential needs into their territories—which represent a setback in the progress made regarding their collective rights and autonomous projects (good living, food self-sufficiency, self-governance, communication, health, and community and intercultural education).
At the same time, the COVID-19 crisis led to a renewed appreciation of community territories as spaces of life, biodiversity, refuge, connection, and care. Faced with the pandemic, many of those who had left their communities in search of seasonal work or study elsewhere have returned to their community territories, where they can find support, food self-sufficiency, access to traditional medicine, and greater autonomy, especially in areas with relative territorial control.
In this context of renewed indigenous struggles, we consider it urgent to expose and debate how certain procedures that have been deployed in the name of contingency are, in reality, part of the reproduction of power structures based on social inequality, colonial subordination, patriarchy, and extractivism.
En MexicoAs in the rest of Latin America, policies denying the rights of Indigenous peoples are intensifying, paradoxically implemented by officials who identify as Indigenous and some with leftist backgrounds. The government, which presents itself as anti-neoliberal and won the majority of votes in the 2018 presidential elections, has, upon taking power, aligned itself with the dictates of capital and intensified the implementation of extractive megaprojects, passing off meetings and forums as consultations carried out in accordance with ILO Convention 169. In response, the progress made by Indigenous communities themselves in securing the recognition of their rights in the Federal Constitution and in several Mexican states has borne fruit, as they have fought for it. y de jureIn courts and tribunals, Indigenous struggles are visible from north to south of Mexico: Cherán in Michoacán, for example, continues its process of autonomy. On the other hand, the so-called Maya Train development project has provoked widespread and strong opposition, as has the Los Pilares dam in Sonora, which affects the territory of the Guarijío Tribe, as well as the Yaqui Tribe and others. All of these demonstrate that these communities, despite their precarious situation, exacerbated by COVID-19, persevere.
En Guatemala The COVID-19 crisis has been exploited by the coalition of interests behind the executive and legislative branches (ranging from the traditional oligarchy to the military, extractive industries, and drug trafficking) to reap farcical benefits: the first political measure of the crisis was a 10-year tax exemption for large corporations. Faced with the government's scarce and erratic health measures, many communities decided to take control of movement within their territories to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. The curfew decreed as a health measure, and subsequent measures, led to market shortages and a lack of income for small and medium-sized producers. Organized communities have denounced the fact that, in contrast, extractive companies continue their operations. Recently, the ban on the transport of agricultural products sparked an Indigenous uprising at key transportation hubs across the country, forcing the President to apply the same standards to their products that are already in place for the food and beverage industries.
En ColombiaIn May, with 670 confirmed cases of COVID-19, 21 deaths, and 60 suspected cases, 31 Indigenous groups were affected, according to the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC): the Tikuna, Misak, Cocama, Pastos, Mokana, Huitoto, Yucuna, Yagua, Bora, Wayuu, Cubeo, Matapi, Embera, Nasa, Jiw, Zenú, Yukpa, Andoque, Curripaco, Inga, Yanacona, Arhuaco, Karapaná, Macahuan, Miraña, Muinane, Puinave, Sikuani, Tanimuca, Uwa, and Wounaan. However, this is not the main threat in the territory: state neglect has become evident in the precarious healthcare, the lack of virtual education in areas without electricity, and the extreme poverty reflected in diseases such as malnutrition and tuberculosis. The pandemic is occurring in a territory that has been embroiled in armed conflict for over sixty years, a conflict that continues to this day. In the department of Nariño, the lands of the Awá people, there are approximately 14 illegal armed groups, according to the Ombudsman's Office.
But even more tragically, the Indigenous peoples of Colombia have witnessed the dismantling of the Peace Agreement within this framework. This includes the National Environmental Licensing Agency's request for aerial spraying with glyphosate, the assassination of various Indigenous leaders, such as Joel Aguablanca Villamizar, an Indigenous leader of the U'wa Nation, and the forced eradication of "illicit" crops, completely disregarding point five of the final agreement, which advocated for a negotiated crop substitution program. An even more alarming element is the requirement to conduct prior consultation electronically, without any guarantees.
Added to this is the statistical extermination and the limitation of rights in the last population census conducted in 2018, with results recently released showing population declines of up to 70% for Indigenous communities in their reserves. All these examples in the case of Colombia reflect the great opportunity the pandemic has presented to government authorities to take measures not strictly related to this phenomenon, such as reducing municipal funds, thus undermining the decentralization and territorial autonomy of the various entities. It is important to note that amidst this pandemic, the economic crisis is accelerating and organized crime continues to reconfigure itself, as do armed confrontations in military operations, which continue to claim the lives of social leaders. Government measures have clearly affected the economy of small producers while opening the doors to the business and neo-extractive sector, which continues to exploit territories, as is the case with Hidroituango, where the highest number of Coronavirus infections in Antioquia is currently being reported. Unfortunately, the situation in Colombia has diminished the struggles and resistance movements that began in the country on November 21st. At the same time, the militarization of the country with both Colombian and US troops continues, a disastrous scenario for social movements who will have to confront this dilemma.
Ecuador This is no exception. After several people tested positive for the coronavirus, the president declared a state of emergency through Executive Decree No. 1017 (March 16, 2020), which restricted the rights to freedom of movement and assembly nationwide, the right to freedom of association and assembly, and imposed a mandatory quarantine accompanied by a curfew. In this context, the country's situation is extremely serious, not only due to the presence of COVID-19, but also because of the economic, social, and political crisis that has deepened in recent years. Indigenous peoples and nationalities, being in a more vulnerable situation, are also suffering from neglect by the central government. Faced with the absence of public policies, it has been the peoples and nationalities themselves who, through their community governments and organizational structures, and within the framework of their constitutional powers, have made decisions to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, as well as designed various mechanisms to ensure they do not experience food shortages.
Similarly, it has allowed them to strengthen their justice system, as it has maintained order and harmony during these times of crisis. However, the lands and territories of Indigenous peoples and nationalities remain threatened, since government authorities, as well as the business sector, persist in their efforts to further promote mining projects in the country. Furthermore, to date, no genuine prior, free, and informed consultation has been implemented; on the contrary, this constitutional right has been violated.
Furthermore, on April 7, 2020, the Trans-Ecuadorian Pipeline System (SOTE) collapsed, resulting in an oil spill of over 15.800 barrels of crude oil into the Coca and Napo rivers. This spill has affected more than 105 Indigenous and peasant communities, prompting the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) and local grassroots organizations to file a protective action lawsuit against the Ecuadorian State. Similarly, within the context of the pandemic, several executive decrees and resolutions have been adopted, one of which authorized the importation of genetically modified seeds (prohibited by the National Constitution), thus violating the right to food sovereignty and the concept of sumak kawsay – good living. Finally, on May 15, 2020, the National Assembly approved the so-called “Organic Law of Humanitarian Support to Combat the Health Crisis Derived from COVID-19,” legislation that is neither humanitarian nor includes any mechanism or budget to counteract the pandemic. On the contrary, it affects the labor rights of workers and employees, farmers, Indigenous people, and Afro-Ecuadorians, constituting a true regression of the rights recognized in the Constitution and international instruments, contrary to the characteristics of a constitutional state of rights and justice.
En BoliviaThe government did not focus on gathering information and implementing public health measures, but instead prioritized managing sector-specific economic reactivation measures. As of June 5, 12.728 positive cases of the pandemic had been registered, 10.572 of which were concentrated in the departments of Santa Cruz and Beni, which have the largest Indigenous populations (Amazon and Chiquitanía regions), with 427 deaths reported. In this context, the situation of Indigenous people in the Amazonian department of Beni is particularly concerning, as their communities/territories lack adequate public health infrastructure, are far from hospitals, and suffer from chronic respiratory illnesses. The threat posed to the lowlands by nearby towns with COVID-19 cases, such as La Paz, Cochabamba, Chuquisaca, and Tarija, is also worrying. Despite repeated demands on various levels of government and extensive legislation favorable to Indigenous peoples, including Law 450 on the Protection of Indigenous Nations and Peoples in Situations of High Vulnerability, no measures have yet been taken to address their needs. Furthermore, Supreme Decree 4232 was enacted, authorizing expedited procedures for the evaluation of genetically modified corn, sugarcane, cotton, wheat, and soy. This decree, issued under the guise of post-crisis economic reactivation, was enacted during the mandatory quarantine and state of emergency, generating widespread rejection from Indigenous organizations across the country.
En ParaguayThe government took early measures of social isolation and quarantine for the entire national population, which reduced the risks of contagion and have resulted in the lowest rates in the region in terms of mortality and spread. However, the absence of the State in other crucial areas of public health and its complicity with the extractive model and its main actors remain commonplace. Aside from a limited and criticized protocol from the National Indigenous Institute, which only provides for restrictions on access to and contact with communities—and other related and conditional measures for community health, such as guaranteeing basic food, food sovereignty, and drinking water, as well as the restitution of territorial rights and the protection of and access to natural resources—a significant debt remains, and blatant violations have even been reported with the complicity of environmental authorities or the indifference of those responsible for investigating them. So much so that various indigenous organizations and leaders have described this state absence as the “hunger pandemic” and have expressed their concern about the lack of information regarding food assistance provided and other measures taken to mitigate the economic, health and socio-environmental impacts, which may affect transboundary peoples such as the Paĩ Tavyterã, who share their ethnic identity and territory with the Kaiowa Guarani of the State of Mato Grosso in Brazil, already worryingly affected by the virus.
En BrazilThe first case of COVID-19 in Indigenous territory was confirmed on April 2nd in the municipality of Santo Antônio do Içá, in western Amazonas state. By the end of May, there were already cases of Indigenous people with coronavirus in every region of Brazil. As of June 4th, the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB) had registered a total of 2.178 infected Indigenous people and 211 deaths. The growing number of cases in the states of Pará and Amazonas is particularly serious.
Many factors contribute to increasing the risk of contagion and generating greater dangers in the impacts of COVID-19 among Indigenous peoples in Brazil. The failure of public authorities to guarantee the integrity of Indigenous territories is one of the main risks of contamination. In the Amazon, according to the Amazonian Institute of Man and Environment (IMAZON), deforestation increased by 171% in April 2020 compared to the same period in 2019. Reports of invasions of Indigenous lands by illegal mining, which could bring the virus to these territories, are on the rise. Furthermore, the actions of the federal government have contributed to worsening the situation of Indigenous people and their lands. One example is Provisional Measure 910/2019, transformed into Bill 2633/20, which pardons crimes of land invasion committed up to the end of 2018. If approved, the bill will further increase invasions and conflicts in areas inhabited by traditional communities—Indigenous, Quilombola, peasant, landless, etc.—further exacerbating rural violence and the spread of COVID-19 in these regions. During the pandemic, the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI) issued a Normative Instruction (IN No. 9, dated April 22, 2020), an unconstitutional measure that encourages invasions and worsens the health crisis.
Indigenous peoples and movements respond to threats in different ways. For their self-defense and protection, various groups have developed strategies of self-isolation and have closed off their territories. These are fundamental strategies, but in many cases, insufficient due to the aforementioned invasions and the need for contact with cities to access specialized medical treatment and maintain food security. Furthermore, Indigenous people living on the outskirts of large cities, such as Manaus, are particularly vulnerable to the pandemic.
En ArgentinaLike many countries, within the framework of the Mandatory Preventive Social Isolation decreed by the national executive branch, agro-extractive activities (agroforestry and mining) have been allowed to continue in territories disputed with Indigenous and peasant communities, while the implemented health measures restrict the ability of these communities to organize and confront this situation. This constitutes a doubly devastating development because it deepens the processes of expropriation of common goods and covert repression, or at least inhibits social mobilization. In this context, Indigenous organizations denounce that COVID-19 is being used to once again deny their existence, render them invisible, and disregard their most basic collective rights. In their complaints, they state that this crisis exacerbates the structural poverty in which many Indigenous communities are immersed. So far this year, at least twenty cases of malnutrition and reports of lack of access to drinking water have been reported, primarily in Wichí communities in the Salta Chaco region. In this context, the arrival of the pandemic in these communities, already without water, doctors, or sufficient and adequate healthcare facilities, would be devastating. For example, in the Chaco region, the National Army arrived to deliver water containers, but this was done without prior consultation and disrupted the daily lives of the community, disregarding social distancing guidelines and committing other, far more serious abuses, such as attempted rapes of teenagers (reported by Indigenous leaders) and the persecution, repression, and torture of self-organized groups and volunteer health workers.
In this context, and given the current and unfavorable historical circumstances, the achievement of the Lhaka Honhat Indigenous Communities Association stands out, following a legal battle that has lasted more than 30 years at the national and international levels. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has ruled that the Argentine State must grant the community a single title to 400 hectares of its traditional territory and acknowledge its violation of the community's rights to cultural identity, a healthy environment, food, and water.
In short, in Latin America, Indigenous struggles in the context of COVID-19 have multiplied and diversified due to the persistent—and unprecedented—expansion and intensification of capital, as we have seen, hand in hand with governments. During the pandemic crisis, the advance of the agro-extractive model and the plundering of common resources continued with little restriction, justified through the euphemism of “essential activities”; while mobility restrictions have stifled the possibilities for protest, as well as the activities of production and reproduction of life in Indigenous communities.
This was compounded by the historical precariousness or absence of healthcare systems and supplies for prevention, access to water, and respect for the boundaries of those communities that were able to manage them. In this context, the limited governance measures developed to address the situation of some communities, rather than alleviating the situation, have opened the door to the introduction of new mechanisms of domination, accompanied by excesses and mistreatment. In this way, nation-states have (re)produced the triple oppression (classist, colonial, and patriarchal) against the Indigenous peoples of each region.
Unfortunately, the situations and experiences shared in this document do not encompass the full diversity and complexity of existing situations, but they specifically illustrate how abuses perpetrated against Indigenous peoples have resurfaced in the context of the pandemic in various countries. Conversely, from within the communities themselves, the revaluation of their territories and the resurgence of their struggles are drawing on the potential of community-based organizing, historically active and mobilized in pursuit of their collective rights and autonomy.
June 16 by 2020
CLACSO Working Group
Indigenous peoples, autonomies and collective rights
This statement expresses the position of the Working Group on Indigenous Peoples, Autonomies and Collective Rights and not necessarily that of the centers and institutions that make up the CLACSO international network, its Steering Committee or its Executive Secretariat.
