Situated perspective of the study of Palestine in the Latin American and Caribbean context, understood from a critical and contextual view of the Global South.

The project we propose stands not only as a legitimate academic initiative, but as an urgent and necessary intellectual and political intervention within the framework of the contemporary triple global crisis we are experiencing: the multidimensional crisis (ecological, economic and social), the global return of authoritarian right-wing movements and the profound crisis of liberal democratic models, particularly visible in Latin America and in the Palestinian colonial reality with actors such as the United States and Israel forming a political and strategic partnership in Latin America and the Middle East.

Our justification is rooted in critical theoretical frameworks that offer keys to structural understanding and enable South-South strategic alliances not only through our concepts, but also through our institutions.

The proposal adopts the framework of settler colonialism to analyze Israel/Palestine, moving beyond exceptionalist or "conflict-centered" analyses. This paradigm understands the Zionist project not as a mere territorial conflict, but as a structure of elimination and replacement of the native population, sustained by a legal, military, and demographic regime. This allows for a structural comparison with processes in Latin America that reveal the continuity of the colonial logic, now under modern forms of control (walls, settlements, discriminatory laws, extractivism). We can contribute significantly to this discussion and, at the same time, learn from the Palestinian experience, with solidarity and critical thinking.

Furthermore, the reference to "fossil capitalism" is crucial because Palestine is located in a key region for hydrocarbons and global energy routes. Israeli control, with Western support, acts as a regional enforcer, guaranteeing the stability of an extractive energy order. This directly links Palestinian oppression to the dynamics of global capital and contemporary imperialism. Similarly, Latin America suffers from "extractivism" as a neocolonial form of subordinate insertion into the global economy, generating socio-environmental conflicts and dispossession. The dialogue between these experiences reveals how the global power pattern (Quijano) articulates racism, territorial control, and capitalist accumulation.

In turn, the project also explicitly aligns with the decolonial turn by rejecting the Eurocentric epistemology that has dominated the analysis of "conflict" and seeking to build knowledge from the Global South. CLACSO's "South-South Program" is the ideal vehicle for this. It is an act of epistemic disobedience: generating theoretical frameworks from shared experiences of colonization and resistance, creating an intellectual bridge that bypasses the mediation of hegemonic centers in the Global North.

Regarding the Latin American context, the global rise of the radical, populist, and authoritarian right (in Europe, the US, and Latin America with figures like Bolsonaro and Milei) shares a common thread: ethnonationalist exaltation, the securitization of politics, and contempt for international law. The Israeli project of de facto annexation and apartheid is, in many ways, a laboratory and a model for these forces, which can serve as the focus of our analysis.

1. Normalization of Apartheid: Israel's impunity normalizes policies of segregation, walls and ethnic citizenship, which resurface in discourses on migration and security in the West and Latin America.

2. Reactionary Alliances: There is a clear ideological affinity and concrete cooperation (in the sale of surveillance and repression technologies) between the Israeli government and right-wing governments in Latin America. Studying this connection is vital to dismantling these authoritarian power networks.

By comparing Palestinian (anti-colonial) resistance movements with Latin American struggles (indigenous, socio-environmental, feminist), the group strengthens an archipelago of counter-hegemonic thought and practice against the reactionary bloc. This may be the most useful methodology for carrying out our work.

Another element of the Latin American context is the crisis of liberal democracy, demonstrating its inability to address structural inequalities and its co-optation by elites. In Palestine, there is a "crisis of democracy" in its most radical form: the very denial of political sovereignty. Given this, the project demonstrates that genuine democracy is impossible under colonial structures. Israeli apartheid is the antithesis of equal rights. This understanding is vital for Latin America, where formal democracy often coexists with deep-seated forms of internal colonialism and the exclusion of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples.

When thinking about "the conditions for coexistence", our group transcends the failed model of the Oslo Accords (based on the fantasy of negotiated equality under occupation) and can explore, from the South-South dialogue, decolonizing and truly plural political horizons, such as binationalism or confederalism, also inspired by Latin American experiences of plurinationality.

Finally, if we consider that the climate crisis is driven by fossil fuel capitalism, it must be said that Israel participates in the exploitation of Mediterranean gas resources, depriving Palestine of its Exclusive Economic Zone. This mirrors extractivism in the Amazon or the Southern Cone, allowing the group to analyze the convergence between settler colonialism and extractivism as two sides of the same predatory system.

In conclusion, the Working Group we are presenting is much more than an academic space. It is an act of epistemic and political solidarity in a moment of historical regression. It seeks to dismantle hegemonic narratives (Zionist and Orientalist) and generate its own narratives from the Global South, using tools such as subaltern studies and postcolonial critique.

Therefore, supporting this project is investing in one of the most decisive intellectual and political battles of our time: the battle against historical amnesia, against the normalization of oppression, and for the construction of a shared horizon of emancipation from the ruins that colonialism, fossil capitalism, and authoritarianism have left in Palestine, Latin America, and the world. It is a necessary exercise in decolonial political imagination at a time of profound systemic crisis.

This group's presentation aims to analyze the historical and current aspects that affect the reality of Palestinians in Latin America. The idea is to consider how settler colonialism, through population implantation, implemented by the Israeli state, fosters apartheid and colonialism in Palestine. It also seeks to examine how the importance of this region in fossil capitalism, imperialism, and this continuity of colonialism impacts these aspects, comparing them with various facets of Latin America.

This working group would also contribute to strengthening the South-South Program promoted by CLACSO and stimulating relations between Palestine, Latin America, and the Caribbean. The conceptual contributions will serve to develop the various lines of research focused on understanding the Palestinian reality in a context marked by the resurgence of right-wing politics and the global crisis of democracy.

As is well known, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has received considerable media, political, and social attention. It has been interpreted and represented in various ways. It has been, and continues to be, at the heart of the international diplomatic and political agenda. The geopolitical, historical, and religious significance of this territory, located between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, has meant that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been the subject of numerous debates and publications both within and outside academia. However, its analysis is inseparable from examining the region in which it is situated. This issue encompasses contemporary problems and is also a site where multiple prejudices, essentialisms, and conflicting ambitions have played a role.

Although not a new paradigm, settler colonialism has been consolidating itself as a burgeoning field of study. This archetype allows us to question the exceptional character that has marked numerous analyses of Palestine-Israel, offering the possibility of comparative perspectives with other contexts and phenomena, such as those in our region. In this way, the settler colonialism paradigm is not only suggested as the most useful perspective for understanding Palestine-Israel, but is also proposed as a starting point for a decolonial analysis of this issue.

The Palestinian cause requires a renewed commitment to the foreign policy of Latin American and Caribbean governments, given that the denial of Palestine has been an excessive intellectual and cultural operation. This work is structured in four sections: the role of this region in the world system, focusing on the colonization of Palestine; the internal structure and conditions of Palestine; and the relations between Palestine and Latin America. On countless occasions and in various versions, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been explained through two major interpretive frameworks with common roots: on the one hand, what could be called maximalist Zionism, and on the other, liberal or two-state Zionism. Both approaches contain significant internal variations, but they converge on a similar foundation: the denial of the colonial nature of the Israeli-Palestinian problem. Among other factors, these two interpretive frameworks have been and continue to be hegemonic in much of the world, especially in the Global North and outside of Arab and Muslim-majority territories. As in other contexts in the Global South, elements related to the coloniality of knowledge have been of fundamental importance here. The recognition of the Palestinian question is currently receiving attention from various political and academic spheres; however, the distortion of information regarding the rights of the Palestinian people and their claims is being promoted. This obliteration is due to the fact that Eurocentric and American thought, along with its simultaneous actions, exerted pressure on the ways of thinking of colonized peoples.

The conclusions we will seek to reach from this space of knowledge and exchange of experiences, plus the contributions of the organizations that support the liberation of the Palestinian people, can contribute as an argument for the promotion of a policy to achieve peace. Among the objectives for conducting a joint analysis on Palestine and the conflict from Latin America are: -To develop theoretical frameworks outside of hegemonic intellectual centers for the study of Palestine through the determination of political, economic and social similarities, in order to generate mutual learning. -To learn about Palestinian culture and recognize its relationships with Latin American cultures -To encourage academic collaboration between Palestinian and Latin American intellectuals -To identify common elements between Palestinian and Latin American resistance movements -To understand the processes of colonization in Palestine and Latin America -To review and analyze Palestinian foreign policy towards Latin American countries and vice versa -To analyze the particularities of different territorial conflicts and colonial situations, in relation to the contributions that these different cases or colonial situations offer when placed in dialogue. Studying Palestine from Latin America: Analyzing Palestine from various disciplines in the Social Sciences has become necessary to understand different political, economic, and socio-cultural dynamics that are neither foreign nor completely different from those that develop in other geographical locations. The Palestinian Question has been studied from various intellectual centers, Latin America being no exception. However, it is common to revisit schools of thought and theoretical foundations developed and elaborated in Europe and the United States, relegating theoretical proposals from other study groups. The fundamental objective of this group is to reflect on the aspects that converge in the Palestinian people's quest to achieve self-determination. From a multidisciplinary approach, different methodologies in the field of social sciences will be used in order to understand the various factors affecting Palestine as a consequence of the occupation. Some of the tasks this group proposes are the dialogue of knowledge between the production of knowledge and information generated from Palestine related to the occupation and that produced on this topic from Latin America. In turn, the exchange fostered by this group promotes theoretical concerns; the aim is to think from the South about the different epistemological elements that from this Caribbean and Latin American region can contribute to proposing a sustainable solution for the Palestinians, oriented towards the foundation and defense of the sovereignty of this people. This research group also considers the dissemination of content related to colonization in Palestine as a strategic element; in this sense, the compilation and dissemination through a website and other means is considered a priority due to the distorted vision and opacity that exists about the Palestinian reality, which, for the most part, is positioned in Latin America according to the orientalist perspective of the media and other platforms of the cultural industry. Furthermore, it is assumed that the colonialism suffered by the Palestinians must be understood from the discourse of domination and concrete actions of power of the occupier that are exposed today. Analyzing the Palestinian Question from Latin America, as part of the Global South