Abya Yala has been the scene, for many years, of major and serious conflicts, as well as significant resistance, and linked to this, the formation of political subjects and new political realities. Within its territory, what Silvia Federici calls a crisis in the reproduction of life is brutally manifesting itself. This crisis is jeopardizing life as a whole, not just human life. There is a growing need for raw materials in the countries of the Global North, which has generated enormous pressure on territories around the world, especially those with a greater abundance of common goods. On the one hand, the rise of countries like Brazil and China has shifted Latin American economies toward the export of natural resources such as oil, minerals, and agro-industrial products like soy and African palm oil. This re-primarization of economies is based on a strong subsumption of Latin American territories to transnational capital, resulting over the last decades in a territorial expansion of mining and oil concessions, the concentration of land ownership and policies to favor large agricultural complexes.

It is important to note that, in recent years, the intrinsic relationship between violent state policies (militarization, neoliberal laws and reforms, etc.) and the destructive and anonymous violence of capitalism has become evident; from the actions of large corporations to those of organized crime in its diverse cartels. This connection between the expansion of extractive frontiers and state policies that attack lives produces and intensifies patriarchal violence and accelerates the neocolonization that is spreading throughout Abya Yala (the Americas).

On the other hand, the circuits of capital flow and draw in the same direction the bodies of dispossessed migrants. In recent years, agrarian counter-reforms and the deepening of agricultural liberalization, despite revolutionary rhetoric, have continued to add to the impoverished urban population from the countryside, mostly women who are also fleeing patriarchal violence. Central America is a clear example, where we find a migratory exodus that puts the lives of thousands of people at risk, primarily women, sexual minorities, and young people.

The strengthening of right-wing movements in the continent (as in the case of Brazil, Nicaragua, and Peru) and of projects labeled as progressive (such as Argentina, Chile, and Colombia) but which, at least in the most advanced cases, have expressed certain continuities with previous neoliberal projects, is a worrying fact for the people who see their rights diminish and are increasingly expropriated of their ways of life.

All these attacks find their place in societies, particularly in dependent countries, but the great wave of resistance they face confronts us with a hypothesis from which there is no turning back: global capitalism is in a profound crisis. This process of significant stagnation, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic and, in particular, by the deepening socio-health crisis, has brought to the forefront the discussion—and the need to develop strategies—regarding the sustainability of life itself. The pandemic crisis is the flip side of the crisis of a form of development founded on market-centrism, which has been expressing its limitations in multiple ways and across different latitudes, and which constructs ways of producing goods without considering the conditions of production and reproduction of the natural/human/animal/environmental basis of life on Earth (Féliz, 2021).

Despite this onslaught, resistance, dissent, and insubordination multiply in daily life, in protests against states, in actions against capital, and in the subversion of mandates and enclosures by different collectives. With each cycle of capitalist dispossession, the specific forms of violence against women and sexual dissidents intensify.

Throughout Abya Yala, feminist movements have emerged in recent decades, challenging the extractive and patriarchal logic that, faced with the dismantling of historical social movements, has taken a step forward. Women, lesbians, transvestites, and trans people across Abya Yala are shouting, "Never again a world without us!" Thus, it is women, organized alongside the LGBTQ+ community, who are leading the fight against projects of territorial dispossession and violence against their bodies.

In Central America, women's movements have emerged against the mega-infrastructure projects associated with the Puebla-Panama Plan, now called Strategic Zones, as well as the roads and hydroelectric dams linked to mining. These movements have faced intense criminalization and escalating violence, culminating in the assassination in Honduras of Berta Cáceres, an activist with the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH). In Mexico, Chiapas has emerged as a territory of resistance, with the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and a growing political presence of women, stemming from the organization of gatherings of women defenders of their bodies and territories. In Ecuador, in recent years, Indigenous women have been using their bodies to resist, primarily against oil exploitation, marching from the Amazon to the capital. Peru shares the experience of struggle between rural and urban women, united in their opposition to mining and the patriarchal-extractive logic it imposes, through organizations like FEMUCARINAP. In Uruguay, we find expressions of resistance, mostly led by women, against the agribusiness model that leads to land dispossession and social impoverishment. In Brazil, the Movimento de Mulheres Campesinas (Movement of Rural Women) has become a leading force within La Vía Campesina, highlighting the role of women in the struggle for land and globalizing alliances throughout the region and the world. In Argentina, the so-called "Feminist Tide" is spearheading anti-patriarchal struggles and fights for sexual and reproductive rights, against violence and the impoverishment of life, mobilizing millions of people until achieving the legalization of abortion. Likewise, the demand for trans employment quotas and against trafficking and prostitution networks has strengthened. Faced with rampant fires and state neglect, the anti-extractive and trans-feminist struggle is growing, demanding a wetlands law, an end to the agribusiness model, lithium mining, and other destructive projects that are being imposed on the bodies and territories of every corner of the country. In Colombia, the hope of the marginalized is emerging with Francia Márquez and her politics of prioritizing life in order to "live well." Each expression reflects a popular, anti-colonial, anti-racist, and anti-biological feminism that defines itself as plurinational and dissident.

The struggles of Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other women from native communities are joining forces in diverse ways with women and feminists from urban working-class neighborhoods, academics, social organizations, and feminist activists. These women share experiences of resisting the advance of capitalism in their territories, forming common fronts against violence against their bodies, repression, criminalization, control over reproduction, political denial, and sexist violence (both within and outside their organizations and communities). The advance of capital's megaprojects has found in women and gender dissidents a new front of resistance. These resistances unite the struggle against capitalist, patriarchal, and colonial violence, generating new political subjects in struggle. The response to aggression has changed in form and in the protagonists of each body-territory.

Capitalist, patriarchal, and racist organization are all part of the same system of multiple forms of domination (Valdez Gutiérrez, 2005). Within this process, the context described above invites us to consider the need to build networks of care and action to confront the power of capital in its multi-scalarity and its ongoing evolution. To this end, from an intersectional perspective that takes into account the interrelationship of class, gender, and race, we fundamentally posit the power of the categories of body-corporeality, territories, and feminisms (Masson, 2011; Migliario et al., 2019; Alonso et al., 2018) as a starting point for understanding the processes in which we are embedded, but also for questioning and transforming them.

We are interested in analyzing the advances of the right and neoconservatism, the multiple dispossessions and the growing precarity of life, from their gravitations in the daily life of the popular sectors of dependent territories, with their specific manifestations in the bodies-territories of women and dissidents as guarantors of the reproduction of life (Federici, 2013).

To this end, from an epistemological and theoretical perspective, we will draw, on the one hand, on decolonial feminism, which denounces the systematic neglect and/or homogenization of the experiences of poor and racialized women in academic production due to class, racial, and gender domination (Mohanty, 2008; Bidaseca, 2011; Alonso and Díaz, 2012). Therefore, we will pay close attention to the forms of production and circulation of situated knowledge (Fals Borda and Md Anisur, 1991; De Sousa Santos, 2006) among women and gender dissidents from popular sectors, as this will allow us to grasp the creativity of their organizational forms, debates, and approaches to managing inequalities.

Furthermore, we reclaim epistemologies from the Global South. Drawing on the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences, to bring to light this "waste of social experiences" (De Sousa Santos, 2006), we aim to highlight social experiences unavailable or overlooked by Western science, linked to alternative conceptions of time and space, work and production, among others. In this sense, we consider those perspectives that address the social agency of resistance to dispossession from a rationality not divorced from its affectivity (Machado Aráoz, 2013) and that start from the premise that the political economy of colonialism has been constituted as a particular way of feeling and experiencing reality. Hence, the expropriation of territories implies, among other things, the expropriation of the means of subsistence and, therefore, of the ways in which forms of life emerge and are recreated. One of the noteworthy aspects of this perspective is the visualization of a series of feelings and emotions as prefigurative of acts of resistance and feelings of hope or utopia. As Mina Navarro and Oliver Hernández (2010) point out, “It is in the experience of suffering and negativity, produced antagonistically by capital, where the body understood in phenomenological terms implies the most fertile ground for the articulation of the different NOs to the process of reification and dispossession” (capital letters in the original text) (2010: 83).

The establishment of new mechanisms of dispossession is combined with new forms of labor exploitation, in informal, illegal, and servile modalities (Gago and Mezzadra, 2015). These weaken and destroy still-resilient community ways of life, dispossessing communities of their lands and means of subsistence, paradoxically incorporating them into the system of value creation or violently reorganizing spaces and societies already immersed in the logic of value, generating new forms of dispossession.

To paraphrase Rita Segato (2008), extreme violence uses women's bodies as part of the "appropriation" of territories, since it signifies the possession of what can be sacrificed for the sake of territorial control. Silvia Federici (2004) shows how primitive accumulation has systematically benefited from the exploitation of women's bodies for accumulation. Hernández Castillo (2014: 81, citing Andrea Smith, 2005) questions how the construction of the Indigenous woman's body as territory has occurred and how it has been part of the etymology of the language of colonization since its origins. The burden of meanings that women's bodies carry as disputed territories, controllable places, and the epicenter of male honor must be deconstructed so that women can live a livable life and not merely survive.

All of the above leads us to assert that everything we do is spatially situated and embodied in differentiated and hierarchical bodies. In this sense, the body is determined not only by the physical conditions of the geographical context but also by the cultural constructions that underlie the ideas of space, place, territory, community, and context. The relationship between territories and bodies has received little attention, and even less has been done on disputed territories. One of the scholars who has attempted to articulate this relationship is Machado Aráoz (2014), who argues about the changes and impacts on the subjectivities, embodiments, and emotions of individuals living in extractive and sacrifice territories. He portrays how territories are contested and, behind this, the diverse ideologies that exist for their defense. On one side are territories that tend to generate communal life in opposition to (and resistance to) those that privatize and individualize life. The dichotomy Machado presents seems compelling; however, we believe it is important to emphasize the consequences for the emotions and bodies of people who inhabit territories invaded and threatened by other logics. In Coba's work (2015), through a Marxist feminist analysis based primarily on Federici's arguments, we find the importance of "understanding life with the body, since it is to embody the way we live, which implies the appropriation of the external world, whether as the meaning of life or as its environment" (2015: 3). Since 2012, the Critical Perspectives on Territory from a Feminist Perspective Collective has attempted to build analytical bridges between territories and feminized bodies. Its initial approach has been methodological, promoting gatherings where the primary focus of study is the body and its links to the territories it inhabits. Through the voices of women, they developed an analysis of the increasing masculinization of territories when extractive companies establish themselves. They refer to the patriarchalization of these territories as a consequence of the impact on gender roles: with the introduction of poorly paid, masculinized wages and jobs in poor conditions, the role of women is further relegated within the communities.

From this perspective, we can recognize and value those community experiences and relationships that, by centering on the reproduction of human and non-human life, recover the capacity of subjects to shape and self-determine the aims, rhythms, and forms of practical life (Gutiérrez, Navarro, and Linsalata, 2017). On the one hand, they demonstrate capital's inability to commodify all interdependent social relations. On the other hand, they constitute experiences capable of resisting and destabilizing the advances of capital. Consequently, contributions from feminist epistemology and economics, as well as studies on the commons and communities as experiences of resistance and reconfiguration of ways of life, are key to our analysis (Federici, 2013, 2021; Gutiérrez, 2013; Linsalata, 2015; Gago, 2019).