The Working Group seeks to coordinate the work of researchers from different parts of Latin America dedicated to the political, economic, and socio-cultural studies of the Middle East and North Africa. In this second phase, our proposal aims to consolidate and strengthen the progress achieved in initial training, incorporating new dimensions and actors into the process.

Initially, we aim to consolidate the work of the existing network of established researchers, expanding its reach to include young researchers, especially master's and doctoral students. In line with this, the initiative seeks to achieve a more prominent presence of these topics in knowledge production and in social science training programs in Latin America. Simultaneously, we will seek to enrich the debate and exchange of ideas by extending our collaboration with networks and researchers in the Arab and Islamic world. Furthermore, the Group intends to provide its academic expertise to inform the development of public policies related to this field at various governmental levels in our region.  

The Middle East and North Africa constitute a pivotal stage for global politics, due to their geostrategic location, their political weight, and especially the growing economic influence of some countries in the region. However, this role is paradoxical: it decisively impacts power relations worldwide and, at the same time, is a highly sensitive sounding board for the balance of power and decisions made beyond its borders. As Samir Amin pointed out, globalization has confronted Arab societies with their historical limitations and their own internal contradictions, shaped by international transformations. 

This global gravitation manifests itself in a wide range of problems, among which the following stand out:

• The current situation of regional war (for some, the “Arab cold war” or “low-intensity world war”) led by local actors and their allies, and the intervention of world powers. 

• In this context, the fragmentation and weakness of States resulting from external interventions initiated with the US intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the consequences of the so-called "Arab Spring".

• The subsequent mass migration of people from Syria to neighboring countries, to Europe and to the rest of the world. 

• The persistence of intraregional conflicts linked to the application of international law and difficult to resolve (Palestinian question, Kurdish issue, Western Sahara).

• Issues related to international security, which include phenomena such as terrorism, the arms race, the justification of so-called “humanitarian interventionism” and the development of new forms of warfare (asymmetric conflicts and privatization of war) 

• The field of political economy, with the global oil market as its central focus. Also included is the implementation of neoliberal policies and their consequences on various levels.

• The emergence of new dimensions of South-South Cooperation, such as policies on technological development, food security, renewable energy, knowledge society, and cultural and academic cooperation, among others.

• In the political arena, the survival strategies of authoritarian regimes, as well as the processes of transition and democratic opening, and the spaces of collective resistance and social mobilization. Along these lines, the growing role of social movements and manifestations of transnational solidarity.

• The role of religion as a sensitive dimension of the international order, taking into account the instrumentalization of religious discourse and its impact on intercultural dialogue.

• The emergence of regional and global public opinions, in line with the development of new technologies and their immersion in the dynamics of production and circulation of communication worldwide. 

• The current discussion surrounding gender policies, equality and human rights and their articulation with religious and cultural diversity.  

Reviewing the history of contacts between the two regions, it's important to remember that ties between Latin American and Middle Eastern countries date back to the mid-20th century, coinciding with their rise to independence and the national liberation movements in the Mashreq and Maghreb. Mutual ignorance hampered the prospects for a fruitful rapprochement; however, initial contacts did develop through international organizations and forums. In the 1970s, the Non-Aligned Movement and the South-South Cooperation movement brought both regions together in the pursuit of a new international economic order. During these early decades, Latin American relations were shaped by the cycles of civilian-military governments, the country's approach to international integration, and its stance toward US hegemony in the context of the Cold War.

From the 1990s onward, some opportunities for closer ties arose from a commercial perspective, in line with the first cycle of neoliberal governments in Latin America. With the arrival of the new century, a series of regional and global events fostered a more structured approach (the US invasion of Iraq, the rise of emerging economies, and the increase in oil prices and surpluses in the Gulf countries). Within this context, the South America-Arab Countries Summit (ASPA) was conceived in Brazil under the leadership of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. This meeting between the newly formed South American Community of Nations (later UNASUR) and the Arab League aimed to create a new international economic and commercial landscape, positioning Brazil as a central hub for the countries of the Global South. The initiative led to a break in relations with the major powers and its most significant political outcome was the recognition of the State of Palestine by a large number of South American countries, beginning in 2010.

The events of the so-called “Arab Spring” reshaped and slowed this dynamic, but did not halt its development or exhaust its potential. Within this context, the massive emigration of Syrian citizens also reached Latin American countries, where many of their relatives and compatriots reside. In this new phase of interaction, some countries in the region, such as Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay, designed visa and reception programs for migrants and refugees. 

In recent years, the rise of neoliberal and right-wing governments in South America has led to a new political shift toward the Global North and a decreased sensitivity toward the countries of the so-called Global South. Within this context, a pragmatic-commercial approach to the Arab and Middle Eastern world has become more pronounced, with a marked interest in Israel in line with the new strategic guidelines of the Donald Trump administration. This realignment is evident, for example, in the recent surge of investment and financing from Gulf countries, often directed toward public works projects in subnational states and districts of some Latin American countries. 

Faced with this complex scenario, the need to amplify and strengthen spaces for critical study on interregional links becomes more relevant, considering new dimensions and actors on the common agenda, and, at the same time, producing knowledge that questions certain established knowledge. 

It is important to emphasize that for decades our understanding of the Middle Eastern region was mediated by actors, knowledge, and interpretations originating from the Global North. In addition to this marked Eurocentrism and the uncritical adoption of categories foreign to our context, this limitation prevented a direct encounter with the region and its key figures, with their own approaches and studies. At the same time, in some Middle Eastern countries, academic spaces and institutions within the Social Sciences focused on the study of the Hispanic and Latin American world are emerging with vitality. 

The establishment of this network in 2016 reversed that trend and forged a sustained space for encounter, reflection, and knowledge production, with adequate representation from different corners of Latin America. In this new period, it is necessary to amplify these achievements with renewed objectives: to support the development of research centers in countries where such studies are still in their infancy, to incorporate young researchers into this network, and to connect with colleagues and specialists from the Middle East region itself. 

As explained in the previous point, the effective development of ties between Latin America and North Africa requires overcoming numerous barriers that still limit encounters between these two worlds in various ways. The generation of knowledge and the production of unmediated knowledge become essential to reducing these distances and facilitating cooperation and dialogue between the societies and institutions of these regions. 

A variety of phenomena and problems exist that permeate both spaces and could be addressed from the perspective of Latin American social sciences. In recent years, numerous experiences of identification have developed in both directions around issues such as collective action and social movements; plurinationalism and the management of ethnic and cultural diversity; memory, human rights, and transitional justice; and gender studies, among others. These diverse perspectives enable comparative studies and interwoven reflection from a South-South perspective. 

For this second stage, based on the profile and academic work of the specialists that make up the network, we propose a series of priority lines that will guide future research.

From the perspective of geopolitics and international relations, our contributions can be organized around the analysis of current systemic movements and their impact on the regions that concern us. In this sense, it allows us to assess the role and modes of integration that both spaces will establish in the face of recent global power configurations, especially in light of Russia's strategies and the economic and political escalation between the United States and China. Furthermore, addressing subregional orders will lead us to understand the multiple power dynamics at play: the role of major powers in each area, the construction of leadership and alliances between countries, the articulation of national and regional interests, among other facets. Within this framework, how do South-South and North-South links connect? What affinities and contradictions fuel these dynamics?

From the same disciplinary perspective, we will continue our studies of foreign policy and interregional relations, both from a political-diplomatic and an economic-commercial standpoint. We will examine the bilateral and multilateral contacts that govern this approach, with particular attention to the evolution of the ASPA Summits (South America-Arab Countries). We will also explore the new dimensions of South-South Cooperation that are emerging on the common agenda: policies on technological development, food security, renewable energy, the knowledge society, and cultural and academic cooperation, among others.

Furthermore, from the perspective of International Security, we will observe concurrent situations that require renewed consideration of mechanisms such as so-called “humanitarian interventions,” the “responsibility to protect,” and “just war.” What new political and discursive strategies justify interventions by core countries? How do these strategies reconcile with the principle of state sovereignty? What scope underpins the international protection of human rights? 

In the field of Political Theory, we also find important points of convergence for examining the processes of democratization and political opening in some Middle Eastern and North African countries. Following the events of the so-called Arab Spring, various actors and voices from that region turned to Latin America's experience of democratic transition in the 1980s to model the new course that the Middle East seemed to be taking. Beyond the initial optimism and the profound differences in each case, this confluence invites us to question some of the supposed truths established by the more liberal "transitology." Countless aspects arise here that should be considered in future research: What role do domestic, regional, and global variables play in shaping evolving political systems? What meanings and interpretations of democracy come into play in these dynamics of change? What forces fuel these processes? How are authoritarian systems transformed? All these concerns force us to rethink the construction of the political from the periphery or the so-called Global South.

In parallel, our research will focus on a highly relevant aspect: the role of religion in the lives of societies and states in the Middle East region, considering not only the significant role of Islam but also Christianity, Judaism, and other faiths. In this regard, our contribution is fundamental in generating multidimensional perspectives that reveal the complexity of these phenomena. Important aspects include, for example, deconstructing the historical and social elements that have shaped the articulation of the religious and the political at different times; contemporary factors linked to modernization processes and regional geopolitics that contributed to the formation of political Islam; the "instrumentalization" of religious discourse as a means of legitimizing or opposing power; and the transnational role of Islam, among others. Multiple conceptual perspectives coexist, each highlighting distinct aspects of this identity variable. 

Studies on the integration of Islam into the Latin American religious landscape are also of particular importance. We will be guided by numerous questions, such as: What role do the diverse expressions of Islam play in the public life of our region? What identity strategies do they develop? How are the processes of visibility for community organizations and public policies for managing diversity in Latin America intertwined? How does the public diplomacy of Middle Eastern countries operate in relation to these groups? 

Related to this issue is the phenomenon of past and present migrations from the Middle East. To the mass migrations of the past are now added—as we have noted—the flows originating from the conflict in Syria. A systematic review of public visa and reception policies, as well as those for insertion and integration—if any—in some countries of the region, is necessary. Linked to this, and in light of the political situation in Syria, Lebanon, and other countries in the region, an analysis of the articulation of long-distance nationalisms is also warranted. A fundamental discussion involving this aspect is the application of the concept of “diaspora.” Can we speak of Arab diasporas in Latin America? What identity, social, and political elements justify or preclude their recognition?

Another line of research to be consolidated is the analysis of teaching about this region in Latin America as a way to understand the construction of knowledge and its dissemination within Latin American academia. This analysis will allow for the preparation of recommendations to improve or consolidate how we teach knowledge about Middle Eastern societies from various disciplines.

Finally, from an interdisciplinary perspective that incorporates the contributions of the historical approach of “connected histories” and the critical analysis of Orientalism, the discourses and representations that permeate the dynamics of contact, both past and present, between these two worlds will be addressed. Within this framework, the imaginaries and configurations of Otherness that govern this interregional encounter will be studied, analyzing, for example, memoirs, reports, and accounts from diplomatic actors, community leaders, writers, and academics who were or are still connected to the Middle Eastern space. This perspective offers an opportunity to appreciate the notion of peripheral Orientalism and its specific manifestations in Latin America.  

In this way, and continuing the developments initiated in the first cycle of the Working Group, we will significantly strengthen the generation of knowledge about this region from a Latin American perspective. This is a process of construction in which we are involved from a scientific and academic standpoint, but with a broader social and political impact on the results.