The relationship between the public and private spheres faces unprecedented challenges, including the persistence and emergence of new tensions and demands surrounding human rights and the rights of women and LGBTQ+ people. This occurs within a context of entrenched authoritarian neoconservative discourse, which has made the so-called "Gender Ideology" its primary crusade. In this context of neoliberal and patriarchal advances that attack feminist and LGBTQ+ movements, attempt to reverse democratizing progress in many families, and restrict their sexual, political, cultural, and economic citizenship, new subjectivities and political actors have emerged, reflecting diverse expressions of the diversity of individuals and family relationships. Of particular importance is the pro-life and pro-family offensive, which is expanding vigorously in the region, fueled by the anti-gender rhetoric of the alliance between Catholic and Evangelical churches. This offensive attempts to reverse the democratizing advances that exist—unevenly—in some spheres, including gender, diversity, generational, and family relations. Therefore, addressing the articulation between patriarchy and neoliberalism responds to the need to develop critical thinking from the Global South and from subaltern groups, allowing us to confront a mutually reinforcing model that denies diversity at the micro, national, and global levels. In almost every country in the region, there are formal, fictitious liberal democracies that can be encompassed by the term illiberal regimes (a phenomenon that has also deepened in other international contexts) (Zakaria, 1997; Graff and Korolczuk, 2017; Peto and Grzebalska, 2016; Moghadam, 2018). Analyzing the situation in Hungary and Poland, with their illiberal, anti-globalization, and anti-gender regimes, Andrea Peto and Weronika Grzebalska (2016) criticize the use of democratic institutions' content and resources to further the projects of right-wing organizations, especially religious ones. They are referring to the State. polyporeThey compare it to a parasitic fungus (Polypore) that lives off decaying trees and thus contributes to their deterioration. According to the authors, such states, like that fungus, thrive on deteriorating liberal democracies. Their governments adhere to neoliberal policies, many of them oppose human rights and the rights of women and LGBTQ+ people, and repress mobilizations for the recovery of rights and the demand for more rights. On the other hand, in Latin America and the Caribbean, diverse and articulated feminist identities have been constructed with permeable and interrelated boundaries that challenge the traditional view of the feminist subject. In the countries of the region, feminist and women's movements, along with LGBTTIQ movements and, in some cases, men's groups, and with strong activism from adolescents and young people, are demanding the legalization of abortion. Since the emergence of the Ni Una Menos (Not One Less) movement in 2015, they have denounced violence against women and feminized bodies, femicides, and public policies, even though feminist movements are also among the most critical of the existing state. There have been hundreds of marches, rallies, and activities in different countries of the region as part of global feminist strategies. Furthermore, to date, three transnational Women's Strikes have been organized through contacts with feminist organizations on several continents, where increasingly, not only is violence denounced, but anti-patriarchal and anti-neoliberal slogans are raised. This is possible due to the emergence of diverse, pluralistic, and democratic collective identities that arise from a multiplicity of territories through horizontal and rhizomatic relationships, from local and global networks and articulations, both face-to-face and in cyberspace. The most distinctive feature of these movements is that they have no authorities, but rather situational referents, and they do not follow a canonical feminist conception, nor that of... gender mastertraining from international organizations (Di Marco, Fiol, and Schwarz, 2019). Currently, the feminist struggle for the expansion of sexual, political, economic, and cultural citizenship and the democratization of family relations—a struggle that is not new—is having a stronger impact on many emancipatory discourses that until recently were blind to feminist theories and practices. Democratization is a notion that can encompass these demands by covering microsocial, national, and global levels. For a long time, the study of democratization has prioritized its political aspects, neglecting those related to the frameworks for producing meanings of subjective appropriation in everyday life, in the private sphere, which are permeated by frequently naturalized power inequalities. The democratization of the private sphere and the politics of the subordinate are part of an approach to the construction of popular subjects and the democratization of everyday life. This is central to understanding the emancipatory potential of multiple social relations, including family and generational ones, where gender, sexuality, and power come into play. For example, in recent years the “emergence”—in the terms of Hannah Arendt (1958/2003:239): “admitted into the public sphere, that is, appeared in public”- The massive influx of adolescent girls and young women, who embraced the fight for the legalization of abortion and the end of violence and femicides through multiple and varied forms of feminist activism, contributed to the struggle for its legalization and joined the rejection of neoliberal policies. These demands were emerging from different generations, sexualities, territories, social classes, and ethnic groups. They encompass sexual rights, with a non-essentialist discourse on sexuality that does not link it solely to reproduction (Di Marco, 2012; Pecheny, 2007). Furthermore, they denounce the increasingly threatened human rights and the deteriorating economic situation in the region due to austerity programs. These new actors are demonstrating en masse in public spaces, taking to the streets, and engaging in activism through social media. For example, in 2017 the Feminist Forum against the World Trade Organization (WTO) was organized, followed by the Feminist Forum against the G20 in 2018, coinciding with the G20 summit in Buenos Aires. Discussions focused on austerity measures, social reproduction, the concept of work, care work, and the link between gender-based and economic violence. They also addressed increasing militarization, extractivism, and other issues. These forums brought together trade unionists, cooperative members, activists from LGBTQ+ and housing movements, and feminists from various countries. Social movements, in their broad spectrum of national and transnational networks, are of central importance, rejecting any notion of their destiny being predetermined. It is essential to investigate how and in what ways they expand, or fail to expand, a field of politics that is no longer restricted to the public sphere but encompasses all social relations. Taking to the streets in demonstrations and activism in different spaces have the potential to transform identities. Contingently, processes of dislocation occurred in discourses about bodies, compulsory heterosexuality, motherhood, and families, leading to a radicalization of demands in the struggle against patriarchy and the traditional forces that sustain it—culturally, religiously, politically, and economically. The debate on the legalization of abortion, in countries where it could be conducted openly, legitimized its practice in the eyes of the public and further strengthened the demand for the separation of church and state.

Feminisms are a field of collective social transformation, constructing common, albeit sometimes opposing and conflicting, predicates that are debated in the public sphere. Theoretically, the "agenda-setting" process is problematized, which implies starting from the premise that it results from the articulation and struggle of interests that unfold in diverse spaces and cannot be conceived outside of political practice. An agenda, then, can be seen as a moment, a turning point in the political agreements that, in our case, feminisms, can develop dynamically. Therefore, this Group will analyze the interrelation of illiberal governments and neoliberal economic policies in the region within institutional and political contexts, and their impacts on daily life, gender relations, and families. It will pay special attention to certain problems, strategies, and public policies from a feminist perspective of citizenship and democratization that address social relations—those susceptible to democratization—not only as those mediating between the State and civil society, but also those established within all types of institutions—families, schools, workplaces, and public institutions—and on all levels: political, social, educational, cultural, economic, and technological (Hopenyn, 1993; Di Marco, 2009). Therefore, it is necessary to approach the level of analysis of the macro-social public sphere and political democratization with new references and concepts that allow us to identify egalitarian social relations and institutions, and above all, the construction of counter-hegemonies resulting from the articulation of anti-patriarchal struggles, understood as expressions of radical democracy and left-wing populism (Mouffe, 2018; Laclau, 2005; Di Marco, Fiol, and Schwarz, 2019). Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2006: 52-53) distinguishes six space-time in which six fundamental forms of power are generated: patriarchy; exploitation; unequal differentiation; commodity fetishism; domination; the world order shaped by unequal exchange.” Furthermore, he states: “Perhaps my definition of socialism is that of endless democracy: democracy in the street, in the factory, in the family, in the public space, in the world space; five or six great spaces of democratization of the world….” ... “ The important thing is that if we are trying to create a new political theory, a high-intensity radical democracy, we know that it will only be possible by democratizing all spaces… So, my definition of democracy is: replacing power relations with relations of shared authority. It is a very democratic task "more extensive than previously thought" - 2011:20

In this context, new forms of articulation and new identities show the potential of alternatives that allow us to reflect on the expansion of democratizing processes in Latin America and the Caribbean and to analyze anti-patriarchal struggles in the region, as strategies of social resistance with respect to conservative and authoritarian political discourses and practices that are based on gender ideology. The aim is to build and disseminate knowledge about families, genders and diversities from a feminist, intersectional and transdisciplinary perspective, considering the progress and setbacks of the work carried out in the two versions of the GT Families, Genders and Diversities based on a broad view that is aware of contingent processes. Of particular importance is the notion of sexual citizenship that expresses the diversities and their multiple articulations in the context of cultural changes marked by the emergence and consolidation of new social movements in which different demands converge, complicating the practices and the notion of citizenship. The convergence and articulation of feminist and LGBTTIQ demands and the inclusion of new rights has a clear impact, among others, on public policies aimed at families and especially on intervention practices. The recognition of rights, resulting from the demands of the movements, entails thinking about the public sphere from a feminist perspective that considers multiple approaches, includes new categories and concepts, from a situated critical perspective and from the South, in order to challenge and confront old notions and generate multiple practices. Considering the wide range of feminist perspectives with different political objectives and visions, the incorporation of a theoretical perspective that aims to question the scope of the neoliberal model in the public and private spheres as a problem that stems from the articulation between patriarchy and capitalism is of particular importance. Hence our purpose of addressing the issue of family changes from the perspective of democratization (which is gaining strength in feminist discourses and social policies that previously had not considered them in all their complexity and interdependence), which implies the deployment of demands for gender and diversity rights, which confront the fundamental principles of the liberal state, which are based on the assumption of neutrality; understood as the denial of the existence of social inequalities of various kinds. Therefore, the tension between political liberalism, feminism, and justice highlights the importance of thinking about a critical theory of equality that, from a feminist perspective, analyzes the construction and reproduction of sexual difference, the systems of domination and oppression that define access to conditions of citizenship. It is precisely in the context of the struggles and strategies developed with other movements and political identities on national and transnational scales that the articulation between anti-patriarchal and anti-neoliberal movements oriented towards the expansion of citizenship and sexual, political and economic rights takes on strategic importance. Another of our concerns is to investigate the subjective and collective outcome of right-wing discourses that restrict and limit feminist demands and exacerbate the patriarchal model, in a context of emerging policies that were established to comply with the modifications in legislation on marriage and the recognition of diverse identities in several countries of the region that recognize the existence of different forms of relationship and rights and contribute to denaturalizing the dominant order and making visible the recognition that there is no single valid model of family relationships. Despite the formal empowerment of these individuals and their rights, it is worth asking how and to what extent this recognition is made effective in practice, and how this recognition contributes to expanding the processes of social democratization. It is necessary to generate well-founded knowledge about what ruptures and continuities exist in our local contexts and in the region. All institutions are affected by these legal and formal changes and must internally process new organizational and management codes that protect rights and do not violate the identities of individuals (families, schools, health centers, media, etc.). Another dimension to consider is care policies. In our societies, this is neither recognized nor valued, under the implicit assumption of an absence or reduced involvement of costs and efforts on the part of those who provide them. The naturalization of this task, as "properly for women", is still present, even though in recent decades women have increasingly entered paid work environments (often in the informal sector), revealing the tension between care time and work time, not to mention leisure and recreation time.  The relevance of the topic is reflected in its centrality in daily life in family relations of gender, sexualities, power and authority of families and the ingrained representations around care as naturally feminine and unquestioned; the absence on the agenda of states invites us as feminists to think and generate comprehensive and superior proposals. We are interested in studying how and from what perspectives the feminist agenda in relation to care is configured in the different contexts of Latin America, and what contours it acquires in academic feminism and activism in order to provide the conditions of possibility for the issue of care to be positioned on the State agenda, as has happened with other issues (gender violence or abortion, to name a few). A feminist perspective on care is one that focuses on analyzing how the social organization of care constitutes a critical point of reproduction of gender inequalities. Equally important is our interest in studying violence against women, children, and feminized bodies in spaces that are currently attracting the attention of academia and political decision-makers. These constitute new challenges, such as the right to the city, linked to the possibility of moving around safely and the appropriation of public space.