The United States Studies working group was created in 2004. In 15 years it has developed multiple activities including the publication of 5 books of its own (and three others in association with different academic institutions), it has organized 32 meetings in 12 countries (in the CLACSO Assemblies/Conferences and the ALAS and LASA congresses, among others) and has in the period that is now closing a total of 29 members from 11 countries.

The group's research stemmed from a hypothesis that was becoming increasingly accepted in academic and political circles: the United States had entered a historical phase that could be described as a crisis of hegemony. The group's first book (2007) was even titled as such.

The group's first task was to understand and bring its members into agreement on this concept of hegemony. It is complex, as it transcends social relations, understood in a limited way, and encompasses relations between states and their governments. In this sense, it is supported by another concept: geopolitics.

Hegemony is a concept rich in nuances and cannot be confined to rigid notions. Despite the challenge this problem presented, the group agreed to approach studies on US hegemony in three territorial spaces. Each space has its own timeframe, but all are intimately interconnected. In other words, US hegemony can be studied in both time and space. Significant changes occurring diachronically can be observed, while simultaneously, transformations across space can be seen synchronically.

The group decided to develop three lines of research, corresponding to these three dimensions or geographic spaces. First, the emergence of the United States as a hegemonic power on the global (or international) stage and the current crisis characterizing its relations with other nation-states worldwide. Second, the evolution of social relations within the United States, its contradictions, the struggles of different groups, and the labor, women's, youth, and immigrant movements, among others. The apparent order that arises from these contradictions is expressed in key sectors such as the economy (growth in profit rates) and politics (participation). In the US, a hegemonic establishment—which controls the economy and politics—is recognized, comprised of a single social group or a combination of several. Finally, the working group placed particular emphasis on analyzing the relations between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean. These ties, dating back more than 200 years, are currently undergoing transformation due to changes in the global context and geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geostrategic disputes between the United States, China, and Russia, among other major players. The historical trend is the consolidation of US dominance, expressed in its capacity to extract wealth and, politically, through periodic armed interventions. Similarly, the United States exerts its hegemony over the region through cultural instruments that perpetuate neo-colonial or dependent relationships.

During the 15 years dedicated to studying the United States, the group's working hypothesis tends to be borne out. On a global scale, the northern giant has lost a significant part of its presence in the economic sphere (the currency used in international transactions, cutting-edge technology in strategic areas such as digital and trade), as well as in the role of its political and social institutions.

Likewise, domestically, the United States has experienced a rebellion on both the left and right of the political spectrum. The right has adopted extreme positions, advocating nationalist policies and, in some cases, xenophobic and/or racist stances that promote ideologies of 'white supremacy'. As evidence that this is not a movement confined to the fringes of society, a politician who proclaims himself a 'nationalist' and tolerates the violent expressions of racists became President of the United States.

At the same time, on the left of the political spectrum, organized groups emerged demanding the inclusion of all marginalized groups, such as certain ethnicities, women, LGBTQ+ individuals, African Americans, and immigrants, among others. A self-proclaimed socialist political movement has demanded that its place in American society and politics be legitimized. It has representatives in both houses of Congress and even strong presidential candidates.

The United States' relations with Latin America and the Caribbean seem unchanged over time. Since the proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine almost two centuries ago, the northern power has managed to build a neocolonial and dependent relationship with the region. Despite the Cuban Revolution, which broke with US domination, and other more recent expressions, such as Bolivarian Venezuela and Plurinational Bolivia, the United States continues to exert a strong grip on the region. Cuba has been experiencing a suffocating blockade for 60 years. Venezuela and Nicaragua are in a similar situation. Bolivia and Mexico are constantly threatened. The rest of the region submits to Washington and lives under the Pentagon's umbrella. The United States attempts to maintain its privileged position by combining force (domination) and persuasion (hegemony).

In the working group's publications, we have analyzed the dizzying changes that have occurred globally over the past fifteen years. The group members have engaged in a fluid debate on the restructuring of capitalist production and the dynamics of the system's profit rate. At the same time, we have explored the significance of international conflicts and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States in 2016. The new US administration arrived at the White House amidst a widespread crisis in the United States, marked by social movements, the emergence of political groups with opposing messages, and the transformation of the southern border with Mexico into a battleground.

Our publications have addressed the policy of outsourcing and the loss of productive jobs. This trend is accompanied by the impoverishment of the working class, the effects of which are central to the power struggle between the various factions of the establishment. Furthermore, all indications are that the United States is losing ground in strategic areas such as digital and aerospace technology.

For 15 years, the US Studies working group has published and presented analyses at forums and conferences on the evolving relationship between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean. In the language of specialists, this analysis has been described as a pendulum swing to the political left in the region. Between 2003 and 2016, US ideologues countered this trend, which they considered a threat, with what they called "smart power"—a combination of diplomacy, economic policies, and military force. This strategy did not exclude new types of coups, parliamentary conspiracies, and even negotiations with Cuba. From 2017 onward, the policy shifted, at least partially, and now "hard power" is prioritized. The terms of the blockade against Cuba and sanctions against Venezuela have been tightened, Mexico and the countries of the Northern Triangle of Central America are being threatened, and the region as a whole is being destabilized through interference in electoral processes, as in the recent cases of Uruguay, Bolivia, and Argentina. Within this context, it is precisely where the group's work of reflection and analysis for the proposed period is circumscribed.

Over the next three years, the United States Studies working group will analyze the United States' relations with its largest competitor—the People's Republic of China—in the Latin America and Caribbean region, as well as the ongoing geopolitical and geoeconomic strategies. While the Asian giant appears to have a global plan for the 21st century (the Belt and Road Initiative), the United States' strategy of building a borderless world seems to have faltered. President Trump is building a fortress around his country with the intention of subjecting the rest of the world to its interests, in an increasingly unilateral manner.

The balance of power among nation-states is changing at an increasingly rapid pace. The United States is losing its capacity to lead or serve as a global leader. All indications are that the power that was hegemonic not so long ago is relinquishing the privileged position it had attained. Will a new actor emerge to assume leadership and become hegemonic, as Arrighi predicted? Or is the world in a 'terminal crisis,' as Wallerstein forecasts, the consequences of which are unpredictable?

Within the United States, a confrontation between increasingly antagonistic social sectors can be predicted. An increasingly exclusionary faction is growing, believing itself to possess the 'true' American values ​​and facing impoverishment as the productivity of the capitalist system they built (without fully realizing it) with their labor disappears. Another faction seeks to consolidate a more inclusive society (with social services for all), eradicating racism and discrimination. One hundred years ago, when Rosa Luxemburg analyzed German society, she pointed out that there were only two alternatives: “socialism or barbarism.” One must ask whether the United States finds itself in the same dilemma.

Over the next three years, relations between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean will change significantly. If Trump is re-elected in 2020, the conflict between the two regions will deepen. If the current occupant of the White House is defeated, the situation is likely to take a new turn, although that will depend on how the balance of power in the region solidifies. Economic (and trade) relations with Latin America and the Caribbean are losing relative importance. China has replaced the United States as the most dynamic partner, purchasing raw materials in South America. Its presence is increasingly felt in Central America, Mexico, and the Caribbean at the trade, financial, and investment levels.

Latin American oligarchies, however, need the political (military) power of the United States to dominate and subjugate the region's middle and working classes. Latin America faces two real alternatives for the near future. On the one hand, it can break its dependence on the United States, a process that will take several decades, and become subordinate to China. On the other hand, it can restart its process of political coordination and cooperation, aiming to resume the path of regional integration (the last attempt being the ALBA project) and break with the hegemonic powers to build a non-dependent and decolonial project. Theotonio dos Santos also defined this dilemma in terms of 'socialism or barbarism'.

The US Studies Working Group will begin its research in 2020 with 35 members (14 women and 21 men) from 11 countries (14 of whom come from priority countries: Central America, the Caribbean, Bolivia, and Paraguay). Each member has a research project closely aligned with the group's objectives. Over the next three years, we will meet six to eight times to exchange progress, hypotheses, and offer constructive criticism. We expect to publish two books that examine the processes shaping the United States and test the hypotheses—including the crisis of hegemony—that we have been developing for the past 15 years.

In addition, various activities are being organized with other CLACSO working groups. We plan to hold an International Seminar on geopolitics and US interference in the region, together with the CLACSO Working Group “Crisis and the World Economy,” the SEP, REDEM, SEPLA, and the Pedro Paz Center of San Luis, in April 2012, as well as the Seminar “Multilateralism, Regionalism, Bilateralism: Regional Integration and the People’s Response,” which we already organized at the University of Buenos Aires from December 11 to 13, 2017.

Furthermore, together with the CLACSO Working Group on “Integration and Latin American Unity,” we plan to publish a joint bulletin in April 2020. This bulletin will analyze the relationship between the United States and Latin America and the Caribbean, focusing on the US offensive with its new free trade agreement proposals (not only Brazil, but now Argentina as well) and how this impacts political coordination and regional integration processes. Additionally, following a meeting held in Buenos Aires in April of this year, the two working groups are developing a joint book, tentatively titled “United States - Latin America: Economic and Geopolitical Disputes,” coordinated by Consuelo Silva and Leandro Morgenfeld, with publication scheduled for December 2020.