The Greater Caribbean, in its broadest definition, encompasses approximately 40 territories—both independent and non-independent—forming a rich cultural, economic, and political mosaic. Beyond their differences, the region exhibits common traits stemming from geographic proximity, colonial history, and the challenges it faces in achieving economic development with social justice amidst the intensifying negative effects of climate change.

The Working Group “Crisis, Responses and Alternatives in the Greater Caribbean” (WG CRAGC) proposes, for its new operational period of 2019-2022, to maintain its research focus on the challenges and opportunities for Caribbean territories to advance along the path of sustainable development with inclusion and social justice. This approach stems from the recognition of the specific obstacles to development faced by most Caribbean territories classified as Small Island Developing States (SIDS), as well as by all the countries that make up the Greater Caribbean region, which together share coastlines and the valuable resource of the Caribbean Sea.

Abundant literature exists on the specific vulnerabilities and development challenges faced by small states, and in particular, small island states (Baldacchino 2018, Sutton 2011). In the case of Caribbean SIDS, the literature recognizes the difficulties these states face in their economic model, domestic politics, international relations, environmental protection, and social dynamics within an environment marked by increasing poverty, various forms of inequality, unemployment, violence, and involvement in transnational criminal networks (Girvan 2010, Bernard 2007). Among these obstacles, the negative impacts associated with climate change stand out (Scobie 2013, Bishop and Payne 2012, Pulwarty et al. 2010).

However, beyond this discourse of “vulnerability,” Caribbean countries possess resources and potential to advance their economies, implement effective public policies, and address the needs of their most vulnerable sectors (Baldacchino 2009, Gomes 2014). The Caribbean has extensive experience in building resilience, drawing on a history of resistance that demonstrates how the region has overcome even the greatest adversities throughout the centuries.

Based on this recognition, the Working Group (GT) is not content with simply studying the crises, both cyclical and more sustained, that afflict the Caribbean. Through research and exchange with other actors, the GT seeks to influence the formulation of public policies as one of the ways to address problems and overcome obstacles to development. The vision of alternatives is fundamental because, given the region's particularities—which stem from its geographical characteristics, history of colonization, slavery, forced migrations and incomplete political independence, high exposure to the effects of climate change and external economic shocks, high dependence on foreign trade and investment flows, and vibrant artistic creativity resulting from the confluence of traditions, peoples, religions, and cultures (Chaitoo 2013, Girvan 2012, Hendrickson 2012, Nurse 2009)—it is not possible to find effective answers to its development needs using traditional solutions practiced in developed nations or those with larger land areas and populations.

Part of this research involves investigating the relationships between the Caribbean and Latin America, as well as regional integration and cooperation initiatives (Griffith 2007, Lewis 2008). The topic of regional integration and cooperation has served as a central theme for the Working Group's work in previous periods, where it has focused heavily on ALBA-TCP as a Greater Caribbean process, as well as integration projects in the Greater Caribbean. One of the books published by the Working Group addresses these issues specifically: “ALBA-TCP: Origin and Result of the New Latin American and Caribbean Regionalism” (2015). Here, it is crucial to consider how, at the beginning of the 21st century, a regional rapprochement occurred that integrated many of the Greater Caribbean countries into alternative regional frameworks, such as CELAC and Petrocaribe, contributing to a more fluid dialogue between Latin America and the Caribbean.

For the next three years, the CRAGC Working Group will maintain its commitment to contributing to the reflection on the multiple crises in the Caribbean from an interdisciplinary perspective. This will continue the theoretical work generated and compiled in the books "The Greater Caribbean in the 21st Century: Crisis and Response" (2013) and "The Caribbean and its International Relations" (2018).

Why is it important to critically situate an approach to the CRAGC within the context of Latin American and Caribbean public policy in relation to global dynamics? First, because there are significant similarities between the topic addressed by the CRAGC Working Group and the Latin American and global reality. These include the dismantling of institutions, public policies, and social services following the shift to the political right and economic neoliberalism; attacks on the most recent regional integration and cooperation initiatives; attempts to destabilize political institutions and the constitutional order; growing inequality; increased violence; migration; and the negative effects associated with climate change—all of which disproportionately affect the poorest and coastal populations.

For the next three years, the CRAGC Working Group also intends to deepen its study of the socioeconomic, political, cultural, and environmental realities of the Caribbean region and its territories. In addition to the regional dimension, the Working Group will promote studies on intra-Caribbean relations. Special emphasis will be placed on developing proposals for actions and policies that promote a post-neoliberal development agenda, independent of the economic policy prescriptions promoted by neoliberal orthodoxy.

Specific topics that will demand the attention of the GT members include analyses of the use of natural resources, energy and food sovereignty, the effects of climate change, migration flows and the Caribbean diaspora, regional economy and integration, and the role of history and culture in development and overcoming the colonial legacy.

The analyses will focus on specific sectors such as Afro-descendant populations, migrants, women, and young people.

Critical reflection on Caribbean history, often narrated by conquerors and colonizers, will also be promoted. Within the historical perspective that must become a cornerstone for a better understanding of the crises in the region and their possible alternative solutions, the Working Group will focus on the topics of slavery, race, and revolutions in the Caribbean, as well as on Caribbean historical processes of the 20th and 21st centuries. 

The CRAGC Working Group understands that in the current context of complex political, economic, social and international relations situations, it is essential to promote research on the development alternatives that the Gran Caribbean region demands, without losing sight of its specific characteristics, vulnerabilities and potential, as well as the commitments adopted at the regional and global level, especially regarding the various integration and cooperation initiatives.

The starting point is to recognize this Caribbean specificity from the perspective of considering most of its territories as Small Island Developing States (SIDS), which “in addition to being characterized by reduced physical areas and small population, share features such as volatile economic growth, increased poverty and inequality and marked vulnerability to the occurrence of extreme events and the effects of climate change.” (Laguardia Martínez 2017).

In 2014, at the Third International Conference on SIDS held in Samoa, the international community recognized that SIDS constitute a special case for sustainable development due to their unique and particular vulnerabilities. Although many have made progress in achieving social and economic development goals, “their inherent vulnerabilities, such as limited physical space, insularity, limited resource availability, and greater exposure to natural phenomena, hinder economic and social progress and even expose them to setbacks in their development indicators” (Laguardia Martínez 2017).

It is worth noting that the CRAGC Working Group recognizes climate change as one of the Caribbean's greatest challenges, threatening even the survival of the region's populations. Caribbean territories are among the SIDS most affected by this phenomenon, with average annual losses of USD 4,413.76 million. Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, and Dominica were among the 20 countries in the world most affected by climate change between 1996 and 2015 (UEPESC, 2017).

Taking as a theoretical reference the discussion surrounding the particular case of the Caribbean region facing development challenges from its status as a SIDS is the starting point for the analysis of the complexity of this group of underdeveloped countries in the global context, which, due to their proximity, become especially relevant in the dynamics of Latin America, especially if we recognize the existence of a "Latin" Caribbean with a double regional identity, as is the case with Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Puerto Rico. This theoretical reference serves as a basis for the analysis of the Caribbean's international relations, especially with Latin America, the United States and China (Suárez Salazar 2015), the colonial situation and the persistence of politically non-independent territories (Byron 2015), the political economy of the Caribbean (tax havens, intermediation and correspondent banking, restricted access to financial flows), and its insertion into the global economy (neo-extractivism, value chains), the geopolitics of natural resources, political ecology, security (food, energy, environmental, financial), migration and diasporas, resistances and popular mobilizations.

For the analysis of regional integration and cooperation issues, we maintain the validity of the theoretical framework of New Strategic Regionalism (Aponte García 2014, 2015) or a counter-hegemonic and socialist or third-generation regionalism (Muhr 2012). “In the new post-liberal-post-hegemonic stage of Latin American regionalism, we observe the existence of several axes of regional integration, which express the adoption of different economic models” (Briceño Ruiz, 2013: 12). Briceño Ruiz posits the existence of three axes of regional integration with markedly different economic models: the axis of open regionalism with an economic model of strategic regionalism; the revisionist axis with an economic model of social regionalism; and the anti-systemic axis with an economic model of productive regionalism. Other authors consider free trade agreements (FTAs) as part of a logic of capitalist accumulation at the international level (Regueiro 2014).

Furthermore, we recognize the importance of considering Functional Cooperation as a theoretical component that justifies integration and cooperation within CARICOM, the main integration framework for small Caribbean island states. Functional cooperation was extensively discussed by Norman Girvan as a mechanism to coordinate the actions of CARICOM members in order to advance the resolution of common problems beyond the stagnation of trade and economic dynamics within the regional integration framework. Girvan referred to the importance of functional cooperation for integration among Caribbean institutions and societies in a range of areas within a shared geographic space; for example, in the energy and environmental sectors (Girvan, 2003). This approach is also a cornerstone of the ACS's operations, which promotes functional cooperation in trade, transportation, sustainable tourism, and natural disaster management, as stated in its mission declaration to establish the Greater Caribbean region as a Zone of Cooperation.

In intraregional functional cooperation, some of the most important areas for analysis are: strategic planning for participation in international markets; industrial policy to create firm foundations in technological and administrative capabilities among national firms and small businesses; socioeconomic policies to empower the poor and marginalized; science and technology and research and development; and education.

The unique characteristics of Caribbean societies, often vulnerable to economic, political, and environmental crises, demand a greater effort in the implementation of public policies, both domestically and regionally. Such efforts must also be reflected in the work of intellectuals and academics in the region, who must promote research aimed at transforming a region plagued by high rates of inequality, poverty, migration, violence, drug and arms trafficking, energy and food dependency, and economic and environmental vulnerability. The problems affecting Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples, women, youth, and other groups also require substantive studies to support policy proposals for their resolution.