Neoliberal contemporaneity and Afrodiasporic epistemologies: critical dialogues in search of new developments

Alexandre Bonetti Lima

State University of Londrina, Brazil
[email protected]

Summary

This essay aims to draw critical considerations on the processes of coloniality, inspired by concepts of Eurocentric Western knowledge, which are also shown to be hegemonic in the country, to make invisible and annihilate alternative and diverse epistemes, fazeres and knowledge. Therefore, the course of the essay will bring reflections on the contemporary Western societal model and the implications that are produced in the public sphere and in intersubjectivities, with Hannah Arendt as the main interlocutor. Next, he will articulate an anthropology of neoliberalism as a concept of necropolitics, through Wacquant and Mbembe. Finally, a critical dialogue will be carried out between this societal and epistêmico hegemônico model with an Afrodiasporic epistemology in only Brazil.

Key words: neoliberalism; necropolitics; Afrodiasporic epistemologies.

Neoliberal contemporaneity and Afro-diasporic epistemologies: critical dialogues in search of a new becoming

Summary

This essay aims to outline critical considerations on the processes of coloniality, inspired by Western Eurocentric conceptions of knowledge that remain hegemonic in Brazil and that render invisible and annihilate alternative and diverse epistemes, practices, and forms of knowledge. To this end, the essay will explore the contemporary Western corporate model and its implications for the public sphere and intersubjectivities, with Hannah Arendt as the primary interlocutor. It will then articulate an anthropology of neoliberalism with the concept of necropolitics, drawing on the work of Wacquant and Mbembe. Finally, it will establish a critical dialogue between this hegemonic social and epistemic model and an Afro-diasporic epistemology within Brazil.

Keywords: neoliberalism; necropolitics; Afrodiasporic epistemologies.

Neoliberal contemporaneity and aphrodiasporic epistemologies: critical dialogues in search of new becoming

Abstract

This essay aims to outline critical considerations about the processes of coloniality, inspired by conceptions of Western Eurocentric knowledge, which are still hegemonic in Brazil, making invisible and annihilating alternative and diverse epistemes, practices and knowledge. To this end, the course of the essay will bring reflections on the contemporary Western corporate model and the implications that are produced in the public sphere and in intersubjectivities, with Hannah Arendt as the main interlocutor. Next, it articulates an anthropology of neoliberalism with the concept of necropolitics, through Wacquant and Mbembe. Finally, a critical dialogue between this societal and hegemonic epistemic model with an aphrodiasporic epistemology on Brazilian soil will be carried out.

keywords: neoliberalism; necropolitics; aphrodiasporic epistemologies.

Introduction

Até que los teões tenham seus próprios historians, como
Hunting stories will continue to glorify the hunter
(African popular proverb).

Afrodiasporic epistemologies, gnosiologies and praxis in Brazil require special attention in our current days. Violence with untreated human beings, with scandalous and revolting indices of inequality in the relationship between white people, is given in terms of mortality and exposure to violence, such as income, access to health, education, moradia, among others, which We compõem, together, elements of qualification of a city life, shout to the people heard, and even more intensely in these times of Covid-19 pandemic. In Brazil, the pandemic assumes particularly tragic forms, surpassing the mark of 600.000 deaths, according to the National Conselho de Secretarias de Saúde (national consortium of press vehicles with daily information extracted from the health secretaries of two states of the federation).

Due to the seriousness of this social and health framework and its impacts on people's lives, it is widely expanded due to the regrettable political situation in the country. This is evidenced by increasing obstacles to access to public health services, in particular for the poor and black population, which are extreme in moments of collapse of the health system, with lots and waiting lines for vague hospital beds, as well as a lack of crucial equipment for treating two patients infected with the corona virus (vide intolerable episode of lack of oxygen in the city of Manaus, leading to death due to asphyxiation in numerous patients). It is also revealed that there is an increasing process of precariousness of working conditions and income, through greater flexibility in the regulations of workers, to withdraw consecrated direitos from workers with justification for the reduction of two performance indices that, however, are maintained on a scale of growth, however you have measures. It is revealed, however, that social isolation and hygiene policies for most people are not accompanied by adequate consideration and planning, by two public bodies, to improve the moradia conditions in urban peripheries, where the population lives in extreme spaces. canted, narrow and open, many times without access to channeled water, besides the imperative need to go out to the streets to earn or sustain (home office It is not a practical guide for these people). Also in the restriction, when there is no total impediment, of children and young people in educational practices due to no access (or precarious access) to the resources necessary for the connections of remote learning. Two social protection programs are being considered to combat domestic violence and sexual abuse against children. Failure to dismantle oversight bodies against illegal invasions of indigenous lands, to expand the risks of contamination of the indigenous population due to coronavirus. All this and so many other degrading situations aggravate and scan yet again is a scenario of inequality and social brutalism historically predominant in Brazil, to which is added – and at the same time, as a consequence – the political actions and behavior of an extremely negligent and omitted government with regard to public health and social demands. The most vulnerable population, attentive exclusively to maintaining its power, is allying itself, therefore, to the interests of the elites of large financial capital, varejista and agroindustrial, in addition to branding neo-fascist nationalisms and supremacist discourses, articulated with governments and ideologists of extreme direita, as weapons to divert the attention of the population from a plutocracy patrimonial and wealth concentrating.

Furthermore, it has been increasingly clear that the model of society that predominantly guides social, political and economic development – ​​and not only Brazil and Latin America, but the vast majority of countries in the world – shows its exhaustion, not only that it respects the levels of abyssal inequality that it produces, as well as The devastation of the entire biosphere, the drastic climatic alterations, and the disastrous impact on the entire diversity of areas of life in society. The Named Broken World by Naomi Klein (2020).

In fact, the author is alerted that in the new year of the Covid-19 pandemic, we have emerged globally in a scenario of crises that is revealed with an unprecedented intensity in recent history, with a disproportionate growth of two indices of unemployment, job insecurity, poverty and indigence, concatenated, at the same time, with one disproportionate growth of the concentration of wealth. As Klein (2020) denounces, while the 20% most wealthy among the world's population are 96% rich, the remaining 80% have only 4%. It is not enough for the current socio-economic crisis, the environmental and health crisis, to see side by side a civilizing crisis without precedents in recent history, to forge catastrophic perspectives, as a growing and vast mass of the world's population sees itself increasingly in a condition of surplus and discard. In the author's words, «victims of economic dynamics imposed by dominant groups, now do not serve as a source of cheap labor, which they substitute for technologies, nor as consumers for their levels of poverty and indigência» (Klein, 2020, p. 27).

This essay, diante disso, aims, based on brief critical reflections on the contemporary predominant model of society – Western Eurocentric and neoliberal – to dialogue with knowledge and practices that have long been invisible, generally violently, in order to appear as a growing movement of rupture with the epistemic certainties of provincialism society that prevails in contemporary times, because it is unable to open itself to dialogue with diversities. In fact, Aníbal Quijano (2010), one of two exponents of the Latin American decolonial movement, argues that colonialism is the world's patron saint of capitalism. For this, capitalism perpetuates itself through the introduction of a paradigm that classifies the world population according to ethnic-racial criteria, providing legitimate exploration and expropriation of the colony by the colonizer. With the creation of America, salient or author, the emerging capitalist system globalizes, forging modernity and coloniality.

Even after the formal independence of two colonized countries, Quijano (2010) denounces the persistence of the colonial process. This, generated by colonial cultures and the structures of the modern capitalist world-system, remains epistemologically and culturally hegemonic (Quijano and Wallerstein, 1992), apart from important relations of economic and political dependence to peripheral countries, such as Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, among others.

Nessa measurement, or essay seeks to address the concerns of those who, like Puerto Rican Ramon Grosfoguel, ask:

How is it possible that the canon of thought in all the disciplines of social sciences and humanities in Westernized universities is based on knowledge produced by a few men from five countries (France, Germany, England, the United States and Italy)? How is it that in the 21st century, with so much epistemic diversity existing in the world, we are anchored in epistemic structures that are so provincial camouflaged as universal ones? (Grosfoguel, 2016, p. 27)

Next, we present some critical notes on contemporaneity, hegemonic sociability and its intersubjective implications.

Western contemporary and banal evil propagation.

For Hannah Arendt ([1958] 1993a), what dignifies the human condition and politics, because of its true meaning, she affirms, is freedom. This is because in the political sphere that men and women deal with two public issues, in the last few years the inevitable diversity of singularities of human plurality is organized through dialogues, negotiations, debates, in order to seek to produce minimum consensus. In other words, for Arendt ([1958]1993a), each human being is unique in the political sphere, the existence of the multiplicity of people must not be omitted, but on the contrary, or conflict, the dialogues and debates around the differences must be respected and recognized, because there are differences that are seat or public space. Politics, therefore, ocorre na diferença, combustível para ação. Now, the subject confirms its singularity, and returns to claim the right to autonomy in the name of the integrity of the EU, but it is only possible for the subject to confirm its singularity when it recognizes the other as a singular subject too, despite its differences. The production of freedom and politics, therefore, is processed in the public sphere, in the midst of conflicts, attacks, negotiations and dialogues, never finding a state of stable and foreseeable equilibrium, but a continued imbalance and instability between consensuses and disarrangements, agreements and social confusions in time.

Em The Dignity of Politics ([1961] 1993b), however, Arendt reconhece a crescente process, in modernity, of distrust of the political dimension among people. Assinala, on this point, that the depreciation of politics has the effect of the absence of participation of two subjects in the public sphere, logo, a tendency to atomization of society. In conjunctions like these, the denunciation of the author, of the oppression of people in public life and politics, makes it possible to germinate authoritarian and totalitarian regimes such as Nazism.

In fact, as a concept of banalization of evil, Arendt ([1963] 2010) alleges that evil can potentially be carried out by anyone. His argument, contudo, is not based on the proposition that a bad part of human nature is not on this point that interests him, but, as Márcia Tiburi says, “from an understanding of the world no qual 'other' and the same or 'eu' does not matter so much as well” (2014, pp. 47-48). The banality of evil, meaningless, is configured through a performative action of invisibilization of alterity that makes the other unimportant, sublingual and tattooed repeatedly as an alien, as an abject minority or, not least, indifferent. A banalidade do mal é gerada, therefore, in the midst of the depreciation of the public and political sphere, potentially unfolding in a mass society, or in other words, a society made up of atomized, indifferent and absent individuals that give responsibility for their paths.

Byung-Chul Han ([2015] 2019), in the same way, assinala a process of turvamento da alteridade in contemporary sociabilities as an event of what he calls transparency society. Nela, there is a process of equalization of everyone and everyone as, simultaneously, the effect and cause of the elimination of negativity. In your words:

"As things become transparent when we depõem their singularity and express themselves only in price. O dinheiro, que Iguala tudo com tudo, instead of any incommensurability, any singularity of things. Therefore, a society of transparency is an infernal abyss of the same" (Han, [2015] 2019, p.10).

In fact, the intrinsic negativity of alterity, the resistant singularity of other obstrui ou, no minimum, slows down the speed of communication, the dynamic fluidity of the operations of capital, the vertiginous flux of information and the fugacity of expositions of bodies and things formatted as markets-engrenagens for the optimization of do system. Vai-se alinhavando, thus, alleges Han ([2015] 2019), a process of degradation of the social field, to produce, in its place, an individualist atomization, whose elements of interaction become increasingly enfraquecem. In fact, the author says: "These egos are not singularities that in common we can offer resistance to the global. On the contrary, all of them are co-currents, coaters and, at the same time, victims of the global; only microentrepreneurs who, among themselves, barely have the possibility of a relationship of business” (p. 196).

To this event, to this reification of the human that is revealed in the public sphere and in politics being atomized, Arendt ([1961] 1993b) denounced the void of thought, decorrência of a process of human desubjectivation that is unraveled in – and at the same time, unraveling of – suppression of alterity. E sem alteridade, there is no intrinsic negativity of singularities in dialogue; without dialogue as the other, not in the public sphere, and also not in subjects; and without subject, there is no reflective thought, only technical rationality and naturalized positivity, univocal and transparent of the game to be played even when its rules are trivial or bad.

Such a process of human reification, in turn, accelerates as a result of (desperate) competition through spaces even in a society in which the discarding of things and people (corpos-mercadoria) is increasingly dizzying and evident. As Zygmunt Bauman calls it, em Wasted lives (2003) unschooling-se gives inexorável exclusivity of black and white skin. The author's words:

For the first time in the history of humanity, the black name ceases to be referred only to the condition attributed to the genes of African origin during the first capitalism (predações de tous a espécie, desapossamento da autodeterminação e, sobretudo das duas matrices do possível que são o futuro eo tempo). To this new character of discarding and solving, to its institutionalization as the pattern of life and to its generalization to the whole world, we call ourselves to become black of the world (Mbembe, [2013] 2018, p. 18).

This scenario of surplus human production, the destruction of capitalistic rationality, whose paradigms are even more radicalized as the advent of neoliberal globalization, tends to promote or unreflected dismantlement of the possibilities of autonomous construction of singularities subject to alienated and uncritical oil. Norms intersubjectively post the subjective processes, whose axial foundation is the reproduction, multiplication and concentration of financial capital. Paul Virilio and Sylvére Lotringer ([1981]1984) announce the effect of the production of what they call transpolitics, which they explain as “the beginning of the disappearance of politics in the rarity of the last provision”, at a duration of time, incredibly accelerated by the super-speed of two digital streams of information. (p.71). Transpolitics, then, materializes the possibility of politics based on dialogue, in the dynamics of democratic exchanges of arguments, ideas and interests in the public sphere, as well as in the democratization of the use of spaces, techniques and technologies, colonized only by capital. Resisting transpolitics and, in this way, repoliticizing the time, the places, the techniques and technologies and their respective uses, as well as the social relations in our most diverse everyday life, is the necessary condition to eradicate the totalitarianisms of a mass society whose globalization of finance appears as an inquestionable epicenter.

Neoliberalism, globalization and necropolitics.

In the book Counterfires: tactics to confront the neoliberal invasionPierre Bourdieu writes:

It is said everywhere, day in and day out, that there is nothing to do with the neoliberal vision, that it manages to present itself as self-evident, as devoid of any alternative. […] This kind of symbolic drop by drop, for which the written and televised days contribute very strongly, produces profound effects. It is thus that, not simply, neoliberalism appears on the appearance of inevitability (Bourdieu, 1998, pp. 43-44).

Congruente com isso, Milton Santos ([2000] 2010) denounces the perverse fables of neoliberal globalization, frequently launched by means of communication, to argue for the need for drastic reduction of State intervention in the market environment so that freedom and democracy can strengthen itself, the life of people, As for the health of companies, we can expressly improve them. Behind these fables, Guareschi ([1994] 2013) points out, there is a cynical and authoritative reason, which promotes the naturalization of competitiveness principles among people, to the extent that it conceives meritocracy as a categorical piece to open the doors for the success of all of them. It (for a cynical neoliberal reason) alleges, with tons of rationality – just look at the printed, digital and television economic reports, along with the leading manuals of economics, administration and marketing – that humanity only progresses and will be able to continue progressing due to competitiveness. The tensions that it causes, justify these fables, favor the mobilization and discipline in the insertion in the engines of the system so as to, virtually, be acquired the necessary merits to achieve or be better socially. status of qualified people and consumers (Mansano and Lima, 2017). The State, here, must restrict itself to a role that does not trap and does not place obstacles to the freedom of competitiveness of the people's market and markets.

Seeking to build a historical anthropology of neoliberalism, Loïc Wacquant (2012) states that the institutional core that turns reconhecível “consists of an articulation between the State, the market and the citizenry that appears first to import the second to third mark” (Wacquant, 2012, p. 509-510). The author explains the designation of this institutional core through three chapters. In the first instance, he argues that neoliberalism is a more political than economic project, or that it does not objectively dismantle the State, as one tends to think, but rather its reengineering. De facto, the neoliberal State reorients its sense of favoring and substantiating the market as a legitimate and crucial political creation. I progressively substituted, therefore, the principles of welfare state two social rights conquered and granted by corrective and disciplinary principles of workfare state, oriented towards flexibilization, tertiaryization, informalization of work, salary reduction, among other forms of precariousness of labor and social conditions (Wacquant, 2012).

In the second phase, Wacquant (2012) points to the elaboration, within the bureaucratic field of neoliberalism, of what he calls the centaur-state that, in his words,

"exhibits these opposites at the extremes of the class structure: it is edifying and liberating not only, where it is necessary to leverage resources and expand the life options of those holding economic capital; but it is penalizing and restrictive at the base, when it comes to managing destabilized populations by deepening inequality and spreading it work insecurity and technical concern” (Wacquant, 2012, p. 512).

Individual and market freedom, therefore, as we defenders of neoliberalism celebrate, is channeled exclusively to those in the domain of capital. The years of precarious subalterns, on the other hand, result in the constraint of two movements and schools, and their exposure to actions, often violent, carried out by agents of the State.

Complementing the idea of ​​the neoliberal centaur State, the third tese defended by Wacquant (2012) supports the development, strengthening and expansion of the penal arm of the State. This is evident in the vast growth of the incarcerated population in recent years. In the words of the author: “With some, part of the precious excesses, the incarceration is growing rapidly in all the post-industrial societies of the West, in the post-authoritative nations of Latin America and exploding in the nation-states originating from the collapse of the Soviet bloc, as we make out transition from command economy to market economy” (Wacquant, 2012, p. 513).

In countries with peripheral economies, such as Brazil, associated with the expressive increase in the rate of detentions accused by the author, the conditions with which this population lives in prisons are abominable in precariousness: overcrowded, filthy environments, full of two most diverse types of diseases that quickly assume proportions epidemics, brigades and murders between different factions, rape, in short, a process of violent dehumanization imposed institutionally (Cardoso, Schroeder and Blanco, 2015).

In the area of ​​the criminal arm of the State, the police assume a strategically important role, as they channel their force and violence on the poor populations of the peripheries. As justification for the persecution of crime, we penetrate the peripheral neighborhoods and favelas of large cities by distributing shots, invading houses, humiliating residents and, invariably, murdering countless people, many of the children and adolescents, turning the daily history of the people who live in these regions into a permanent routine of barbarism. Nothing close to these ways like the same police addressing overcrowded neighborhoods. In your book, On Brazilian authoritarianism (2019), Lilia Schwarcz reports that, between 2011 and 2015, 260 thousand people were killed in the Syrian conflict, a period in which 270 thousand people were murdered in Brazil. The author also tells the author that, in the years of the Vietnam War (1955-1975) foram death 1,1 thousand people in the virtue of conflict; In the same period of time, between 1995 and 2015, 1,2 million people were murdered in Brazil. It is necessary to say that these assassinations are in the heart of skin and territory; They are concentrated in the peripheries and favelas of Brazilian cities, whose residents are mainly black-skinned people, and in a significant part carried out by police agents. In fact, according to the Brazilian Public Safety Yearbook of 2015, it is estimated that in the state of Rio de Janeiro, between 2005 and 2014, the recorded number of homicides caused by police was 8.466. Among the victims, there were no residents of well-stocked neighborhoods, but only black, brown and poor people. Acrescente-se is the historic genocide process of indigenous peoples, with the direct and indirect participation of the State, both in its federal and state and municipal instances, to dismantle the bodies of inspection and control of the clearing of forests, of illegal burnings, of the violent invasion of indigenous lands by woodworkers, garimpeiros and mining companies, as well as suspension of demarcation of new lands for these populations. The processes of exclusão and matabilitidade compõem-se with the actions of the penal arm of the State, correlating social class and race/ethnicity as their potentials.

Fernando B. Gomes (2017), referring to the scale of two state devices for the production of surplus and discarded lives, uses Mbembe's concept of necropolitics. Biopolitics, as Michel Foucault (2008) highlights, materializes as a subtle mode of subjection, aimed at controlling the calculative production of life, and combines it, in the peripheral social spheres, with necropolitics through complementary devices (Mbembe, 2018). As a more radically violent strategy, necropolitics elevates the effectiveness of biopolitical control of populations to demarcate the bodies marked to die, invariably, young and black people of the urban peripheries, along with two indigenous groups that hinder the excessive exploration of the riches of the forest. De facto, states Gomes (2017, p. 57), “a necropolitical governança is always geographical.” It spatializes the mechanisms of violent death of peripheral populations, granting the police the task of killing, without it being qualified as a crime. No limit, you can always launch the legal resource to exclude illegality. It is enough to relate legitimate defense.

Necropolitics, however, also produces corpses (Gomes, 2017). It spatially segregates people and, simultaneously, produces a whole set of discursive elements, vocabulários and stigmatizing names creating new lives, or seja, doing nothing more than dying and also living, but surviving, which means a condition of depoliticized life devoid of rights. (Agamben, [1995] 2010). As Djamila Ribeiro (2019) warns, embora nos dias de hoje is no more declaredly permitted to express feelings of hatred and prejudices against black people, under penalty of accusation of racism, nothing prohibits hating criminals. In a country that is still deeply impregnated with the specters of a scravocratic, violent and patriarchal historical matrix, not devoutly elaborated and buried, the qualifications of blacks, poor and criminals tend to be irreflectively associated in media discourses and in the social imaginary, particularly in the niche of the white, middle-class and stocked population. Necropolitics, therefore, materializes not every ordinary day of life as it is lived in the Brazilian peripheries.

Em critique of black reason ([2013] 2018), Mbembe claims to be a necropolitics or mode of exercise of politics more compatible with neoliberalism, once it responds to its main objectives. As I said at the beginning of this essay, neoliberalism contemporary with the market economy tends to generalize to all social fabrics, being assumed as a principle of intelligibility of sociability and individual practices in a general way. Everything can be commodified, because a trade value can be stipulated. In a society in which the principle of intelligibility is based on the market, everything that is commodified or is to be consumed and, therefore, also virtually discarded. But not only commodities and industrial artifacts that enter the redemoinho of the market of goods and discards. People are also increasingly being discarded. In contemporary neoliberal societies, reified and deskilled human markets (desnecessárias aos meios de produção) and lacking consumers (without resources to enter the universe two that buy and make turn as the engines of a ruthless economy) become refuges inúteis (and kill).

Before saying, it remains for us, as researchers of the humanities, to contribute to the de-invisibilization of facts and knowledge, epistemes and inclusive gnosiologies, so that, differently from what is globally and hegemonically posted, we open gaps for the composition of civilizational models that contemplate and reconheçam the singularities and other possibilities intersubjective. We state, below, some considerations on Afrodiasporic epistemologies in only Brazil which, as Eduardo David de Oliveira announces,

Tem as a challenge to the construction of worlds. Tem as a horizon, the criticism of dogmatically universalizing philosophy and as a starting point for the philosophy of context. It tries to produce enchantment, rather than ideas, changing the perspective of philosophizing. It aims to live with the paradoxes, rather than to resolve them. It is more purposeful than analytical. It is unique and demands its direction to planetary dialogue. It is based on a cultural nuance, but it is not reduced to it (Oliveira, 2012, p. 30).

Some considerations on Afrodiasporic epistemologies in Brazil: new possible sociabilities?

In his work, Poetics of relationÉdouard Glissant writes:

The experience of the abyss is the abyss and beyond. Torment of those who will never leave the abyss: who will pass directly from the belly of the black ship to the violet belly of two sea farms. Mas a sua provação não morreu, vivificou-se nesse contínuo-discontínuo: o panico do mundo novo, a saudade da terra lost, e por fina aliança com a terra imposta, sofrida, redeemed. Unknown memory of the abyss served as mud for these metamorphoses (Glissant, 2011, p. 19).

Glissant refers here to the abominable experience of countless black Africans kidnapped in their countries of origin to be sold, explored and expropriated as slaves in completely unknown foreign lands. On the journey, we died many times before reaching our destination, considering the barbaric and extremely precarious conditions in which we were transported by the two ships that traffic us. Once dead, or still dying, their bodies were thrown into the sea like lixos.

Those who survived the journey, apart from being torn from their lands and their networks of social and emotional relations, were stripped of their autonomy, of their bodies, culture, names, languages, in short, of their humanity, becoming the property of another. Crazy in strange and distant lands, among people who speak unfamiliar languages ​​– and not only the traffickers, foremen and owners of slaves, but also the other slave-owning, mixed blacks who were among people from different African nations to avoid or plan collective and organizational rebellions. of resistance – the courage of the land of origin assumed an inexorable force, becoming the name for reterritorialization on the land of alheia, in the territories of the diaspora. As Glissant says,

[…] the belly of the black ship is the place and moment in which African languages ​​disappear, because they are never placed together on the black ship, in the plantations, people who falavam the same language. Or he found himself stripped of all kinds of elements of his daily life, but also, and above all, of his language (Glissant, 2005, p. 19).

What happens next with this forced immigrant, question or author? “Ele compõe, through traces/residuos, a language and artistic manifestations, which we could say are valid for everyone” (Glissant, 2005, p. 19). In other words, he seeks to reterritorialize - resisting, in this way, the process of dehumanization that he has imposed barbarously. The notion of traces/residuos, in turn, seems to dialogue with Muniz Sodré's idea of ​​events (2017). Nela, the author refers to a dynamic that relates the trauma of all the material and symbolic violence of escravização with a search for the restoration of the arké (a unity of the founding, or original and immaterial meaning of the world, whose contents are unique according to each culture) through the reorganization and reatualization of the original event. The reorganization of the event is done in the midst of the relations between the various groups of educated people originating from different African nations, as quais, in search of mutual understanding, mobilization in a dynamic of confection of new languages, knowledge and skills. As a reference, the traces/residuos of the ancestry of each nation. In fact, a whole range of cultural manifestations, impregnated with ancestral residues, are reterritorialized, for example, in the communities-terreiros, in the Afro blocks, in the maracatus, in the capoeira rounds, in the samba rounds, among other cultural materialities that restore, in a certain way, a brutally interrupted event. These manifestações, contudo, embora impregnadas de traces/resíduos são fenômenos absolutely originalais, novos, vigorouses. They are configured in an unprecedented and unforeseen manner, once, as Glissant (2005) says, they result from a cryoulization process. In his words: "Now, the deported African does not have the possibility of maintaining, of conserving this species of pontuais heritage. But he created something unforeseen from only two powers of memory, that is, only from two thoughts of trace/residuum that he restavam: compôs linguagens crioulas e forms of art valid for everyone” (Glissant, 2005, p. 20).

As an example, Clóvis Moura ([1993] 2020) needs to pay attention to the elaboration of what he calls dialecto das senzalas, so that those written from different nations and origins can be understood. Say ele,

Nessas [as senzalas], where Africans of different ethnic origins are mixed with a contingent of indigenous people, in order to avoid rebellions that seriously endanger the lives of their owners, numerically inferiorized and established in isolated interior areas, the need for communication between linguistically different people must be provoked by the emergence of a kind of lingua franca, which we will call dialecto das senzalas ([1993] 2020, pp. 69-70).

Crioulização, it is worth highlighting, it should not be confused with mestiçagem. Mixing is a mixture of different elements, whose results are predictable and commensurable. Differently, in crioulização the elements that are inter-related and intervalized mutually generating unforeseen results, imponderáveis ​​and in constant transformation (Glissant, 2005), just as a kaleidoscope whose figures of ethical-aesthetic meanings are incessantly redefined. The archaic African languages, for example, traced by the people originating from that continent and here engraved, “are updated in their own way.” Hall internal linguistic, when we update the Portuguese spoken in Brazil, opening for a polyphony of meanings that reverses the logic of the dominant language. Words like mandinga, maloqueiro, calunga, ginga testemunham in favor of the theory” (Oliveira, 2012, p. 39).

Consonant with this, José Miguel Wisnik (2008), in his study on the history of football in Brazil, highlights that when it was introduced in the country, it was a sport practiced exclusively by the white elite. Because blacks and mestiços gradually form part of the teams in the competitions we have, we find within the game knowledge and skills ancestors of a body that learns, by generation, to survive the serious fatalities and violence of a structural racism that remains, even after we find out or escravocratic regime. A capoeira and the various rhythms and Afro-Brazilian dances foram important references in the process, to incorporate your knowledge and corporate intelligence to create cunning maneuvers and stratagems for the better confrontation of two adversaries, better saying, to incorporate the dribble, to ginga, to ludicidade in the universe of this game. Referring to the dribble and the movement, Wisnik (2008) defines it as an event that occurs in a non-linear manner, assuming an ellipse shape, which is “feint, negaceio, suggestion of an itinerary that is not fulfilled and that explores the unexpected effect, a promise of movement that não se dá se giving and that se dá não se giving, alluding to gestures that are insinuated and omitted in fractions of seconds, in order to take advantage of the perturbação of the expectation provoked” (Wisnik, 2008, p. 311). The football that, at that time, is characterized as a linear sport, which makes progress mainly along the line, is made through passes to the teammates, the shots on goal, it is made for meio two advances on the opponent, wins curves and effects us passes and kicks on goal, in an elliptical shape, which subtrai to add, when using the dribble and ginga to overcome the opponent.

Such as the passage of the myth of Sankofa, originating in two parts of the Akan language, in West Africa, whose body is designed to be directed forward with its head turned backwards with something strange – like looking for something that is behind it to continue walking –, the ancestrality re-signifies and updates, simultaneously and repeatedly, or present In the past, to promote a buzz between the world and today. Nesse continuous and dynamic redeployment of past and present, intimately articulated and mutually transfigured/transfigurando-se, an ancestralidade shown as a tool for the orientation of relationships in life being lived, to foster the process of cryoulization. Ferramenta that, in turn, re-signifies and transforms itself in time in my relationships.

Necessarily, a cryoulization requires a notion of relationship, and announces the fallacy of essence, of the root identity, of the ideology of one, of the Eurocentric-inspired civilizations. As Enilce Rocha (2002, p. 34) says: “A relation pulverizes the ideas of Being and Essência.” O Ser, então, becomes Sendo, Sendo em Relação. A root identity, in turn, from the moment when the inevitability of the essential format of mature trees becomes the Rizoma that has unforeseen paths and formats in the many years of encounters and disagreements that it lives/experiences in time, just like the hero without character raised by Mário de Andrade, Macunaíma. Its character is not because it is immoral, but because it rhizomatically weaves diverse and unfathomable trajectories into the rigidity characteristic of Western heroes, now transforming into a pássaro, now into an arvore, now mimicking and simulating into multiple figures and characters, now dying and reviving through incantations and feitiços, jumping and always loving with beautiful cunhãs (Andrade, [1938] 2008).

The category of relationship in Afrocentric epistemology inexorably evokes the category of ancestrality, because, as Oliveira (2007, p. 257) highlights, “there is no ancestrality without alterity.” E a alteridade, in turn, is not conjugated non-singular, ela requer, melhor saying, ela demanding a relation with the Outro. This is the sociological foundation of ancestrality (Oliveira, 2012). Because of its inexorable link with relationship, ancestry cannot be confused with tradition, nor with folklore, because it does not cling to the past, but rather re-signifies and simultaneously updates or presents repeatedly, thus promoting an intimate and indissociable elo between both temporalities. As Oliveira (2012, p. 40) says, "as a result of now, ancestrality re-signifies the time of the world. Experience of the past is atualiza or present and disdain of the future, because there is no future in the world of experience. The African cosmovis is, therefore, the epistemology of the ontology that is the ancestrality."

Due to its indefectível link with the relationship, in addition, the ancestralidade radicalizes or reconhecimento dadiversidade. The unit here, Oliveira (2012) highlights, consists only of the unity of coexistence in the world, of the rest “of the world and full diversity” (Oliveira, 2012, p. 41). Ancestry is, therefore, an ethical experience, more than a theory of knowledge, a religion, a politics, or a morality, as an inclusive circularity germinates. As Oliveira (2007, p. 257) says, “it is the primordial sea where alterities are in relationships”, and is anchored in inclusive cultural forms such as capoeira Angola, or Candomblé, samba dances, community solidarity practices in urban favelas, among others.

Not that it refers to samba, says Muniz Sodré ([1998] 2015, p. 58):

It is known that an improvised solo verse, accompanied by a refrão fixedo (resumed by chorus), is one of the main characteristics of black-Brazilian music. Such was the traditional samba-de-morro form. In fact, in the past, the samba players compunham only the first part of the song (samba-de-primeira-parte), reserving a second place for social response: now or improvise in the samba round, now or improvise two harmony directors at the time of the school parade.

O samba, however, more than a musical aesthetic that entertains, is an atmosphere from which exchanges of opinions, ideas, desires and disenchantments of a black world, as Sodré ([1998] 2015) says, are realized and gathered in a communal, collective and inclusive circle, not in which everyone participates. process of its construction, to unite, in unified aesthetics, or rhythm, to melody, to lyrics and to dance. To some extent, he resists the dominant productive ideology, which imposes ready and finished pieces.

Glissant (2005, 2014) uses geographical landscapes as metaphors for counter-colonial-Eurocentric epistemes, based on the ontology of root-identity and individualized essences, with epistemes based on the ontology of ancestrality and rhizomatic intersubjectivities of composite cultures of diasporas. At first, the batiza of continental thought, at the outset of archipelago thought. Unlike the continent, whose territory is unique, or archipelago is made up of a multiplicity of diverse islands that are circumvized, forming different territories that are interconnected and maintained in a constant relationship. The archipelago here, it is worth highlighting, as a metaphor is not simply physical space, but imaginary; imaginário that encourages the engajamento in diversity, in the unpredictability of multiples, in criticism of one and the genealogies formatted in linear chronologies. The archipelago thought, therefore, refers to the idea of ​​being related to what Glissant calls Everything-O-World, where or Everything-O-World is realized metaphorically from the set of islands (Ferreira e Oliveira, 2018). This whole relationship is the metaphor of the All-Or-World. Says Glissant (2014, p. 44) about this: "The archipelagic thought is totally opposed to two system thoughts. It is harmonized with the tremor of our world. The All-O-World, the highest object of poetry, is also unforeseen. Nisso, the Chaos-World." It is chaos because it is devir, devir that materializes in my relations, from the moment we negotiate, tension, conflict, dialogue, find and unravel without, in the end, the dilution of some other hairs, without colonizing violence, because in the interstitial zones, we hiatuses, in the gaps between which the future is made, to invent povos, histories, cultures, utopias, freedom; to invent and erect worlds much more than concepts, which imprison and disenchant us because they simplify, denying complexity; to erect worlds that, therefore, reenchant themselves by opening up to reconhecimento do others in circularities of inclusive relations. "A relação liga, religa, relata. Ela não relation isto com aquilo, mas o todo ao todo. A poética da relação realizes, assim, o diverse. A root unique kills à sua volta. A identitye-relação authorizes infinitely" (Glissant, 2014, p. 44-45).

Provisional Considerations and Trigger Intro

Problematizing, promoting critical dialogues, or hegemonic thought with invisible epistemologies, such as Afrodiasporics, produces important resonances for the field of academic knowledge, mostly confined to the canonical thought of two five countries cited by Grosfoguel (2016) above. These epistemologies must be densely driven. As Foucault (2010) denounced, referring to Psychology, it preponderantly occupies the attribution of an instrument of governmentality, to produce knowledge and discourses intended for the purpose of docilizing and domesticating the population. Similar criticisms can also be made to Anthropology, Sociology, History, among other fields of knowledge. From such a function, these disciplines contribute to referendum epistemicides, or seja, annihilate and make invisible knowledge and practices of the peripheral regions of the world-system holding knowledge and doing different things from the hegemonic Eurocentric capitalistic model. They play, therefore, a relevant role in the process of colonization of thought, opening themselves up to diverse ways of thinking, dialoguing and intervening. With few exceptions, the canon of thought in training courses in the Human Sciences remains largely restricted to Eurocentric and American-centric theoretical-methodological conceptions. Even when critical authors are used, their references, via de gra, restrict themselves to years originating from these regions of the world, or which, according to Spivak (2010), ends up leading to epistemic violence. In fact, it argues the author, the other as a subject and inaccessible to the Western intellectual of two central countries, because in its epistemological diagnosis the project of its own etnocentrism is to project a alteridade criando a political performance of substituição (Spivak, [1999] 2010). In other words, epistemic violence operates and is effective through intellectualism that conjectures to be able to falter in the name of another, or alluded to oppressed, functioning at once, even involuntarily, as an accomplice and reproducer of colonialism.

Disso, this essay aims to present itself more as an introit, inspired by decolonized Afrodiasporic praxis and epistemologies – still full of questions and uncertainties –, in order to resemble a crescent movement, embora ainda reduced, of tearing apart two grilhões of colonialidade, in order to reconhecer-se and se announce as resistance to pautar-se in considerations that declare "(...) the importance of making circular theoretical and practical dimensions critical to the colonized ways of producing knowledge and intervening, and how to articulate perspectives engaged that are proposed to transform reality" (Carvalhaes e Lima, 2020, p. 67), committing-se politically with lives everyday life, and orienting oneself to deconstruction of discourses and ideologies that naturalize oppression and justify the production of inequalities. What implies reconhecer and dialogue with the living and uncalculated plurality of knowledge and activities that compõem the dynamics of the history of the experiences and interactions of everyday life being lived in each place.

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