I support the social mobilizations in Colombia and condemn the repression they were subjected to by the State security forces (ESMAD).
Since November 21st, a national strike and ongoing social mobilization have been taking place in the country, marking a new stage in popular struggles, particularly in the dynamics of urban protest in Colombia. The demands and grievances that have brought the Colombian people to the streets are numerous, many of them rejections of legal and judicial actions by the National Government: the proposed Tax Reform Bill that will replace Financing Law 1943 of 2018; Decree 2111, which created the financial holding company; the circular from the Ministry of Labor and Social Security regarding enhanced job security; and the proposed pension and labor reforms.
Other demands reflect social conflict and restricted democracy, such as the need to disband the Mobile Anti-Disturbance Squadron (ESMAD), pass anti-corruption laws, comply with agreements reached with social sectors, implement the peace agreement signed between the National Government and the FARC-EP, and reverse the unscrupulous use of autonomous weapons, the bombing of which in Caquetá resulted in the deaths of eight minors. The marchers' demands also include opposition to the neoliberal and extractive economic model.
The so-called Vice President Iván Duque, faithful to the legacy of his mentor Álvaro Uribe Vélez, has, on the one hand, sought an agent to blame for social discontent: the São Paulo Forum, President Nicolás Maduro, Senator Gustavo Petro, among others, which only serves to increase xenophobia against the Venezuelan and Colombian-Venezuelan populations. On the other hand, he has used the repressive apparatus of the State, criminalizing and militarizing street protests, resulting in the tragic death of 18-year-old Dilan Cruz, hundreds of injuries, raids, collective panic, and intimidation throughout the country. We are witnessing the return of the democratic security policy of the first decade of the 21st century, implemented during the Uribe Vélez administrations.
While the authoritarian Uribe-era state has returned, the mobilization reflects widespread popular weariness with the economic model and the ruling class: marchers chant “We are not afraid,” “Murderous state,” pots and pans are banged throughout the cities, and they reject Iván Duque's proposed solution to the crisis: national dialogue, which has no acceptance among the sectors currently mobilized. Indignation grows with each action by the president, with the repression, and with the closing of ranks by the economic sector and right-wing parties around the executive branch. Beyond the demands described above, the resignation of Iván Duque from the presidency and the convening of a Constituent Assembly have also been raised.
The resilience and the appropriate interpretation of the political moment by the popular and social sectors will indicate whether adjustments will be made to the regime and the model for the systemic absorption of discontent or whether the structural changes that the country requires will finally be brought forward.
We demand that government authorities align their actions with international human rights standards, refrain from criminalizing social protest, investigate and punish those responsible for the murders of social leaders and take measures to prevent their recurrence, and guarantee the economic and social rights of the people and the peace of all citizens. We demand an immediate end to the criminalization of legitimate protest, police repression, and human rights violations. We urge the Chilean State, its government, and the political class in general to initiate a broad and inclusive dialogue with social actors to build a more just, equitable, and supportive country. Finally, we stand in solidarity with the people of Chile and celebrate their dignity in rising up against oppression.
CLACSO Working Group
Legal critique and sociopolitical conflicts
