Barriers that affect women's cycling mobility

Jenny Andrea Romero González

Ibero-American University of Mexico, Mexico
[email protected] / [email protected]

Summary:

Mobility is experienced in unique ways depending on multiple factors such as class, ethnicity, age, and gender, among others. Women and men have different mobility experiences, which means their motivations, patterns, responsibilities, autonomy, and preferred means of transportation differ. Women are the least likely to use bicycles as a means of transport, as they face greater individual, environmental, and social barriers to cycling. This essay outlines some of the barriers women encounter when cycling, as well as their possible causes and some strategies for overcoming them. Gender should be considered in all actions, programs, and research related to cycling, and women should be encouraged to participate in the development of public mobility policies, while their needs in public spaces should be recognized.

Keywords: bicycle; urban mobility; barriers; women; gender.

Barriers that affect women's mobility by bicycle

Summary

Mobility is experienced in a unique way, depending on various elements, such as class, ethnicity, age, gender, among others. Women and men have different experiences of mobility, which means that the reasons, parents, responsibilities, autonomy and means of transportation that they usually use are different. As women only use bicycles less as a means of transportation, they face greater individual, environmental and social barriers in their use. This essay captures some of the barriers they face when using a bicycle, as well as their possible causes and some strategies for dealing with them. The gender must be considered in the actions, programs and research carried out on bicycles, encouraging women to participate in the construction of public mobility policies and recognizing their needs in public space.

Keywords: bicycle; urban mobility; barreiras; women; gender.

Barriers affecting women's bicycle mobility

Abstract

Mobility is experienced in a unique way depending on multiple elements such as class, ethnicity, age, gender, among others. Women and men have different experiences of mobility, which means that the motivations, patterns, responsibilities, autonomy and the means of transportation they usually employ are different. Women use bicycles as a form of transportation the least, since they face greater individual, environmental and social barriers in their use. This essay studies some of the barriers they face when riding bicycles, as well as their possible causes and some strategies to face them. Gender must be considered in the actions, programs and research carried out on bicycles, encouraging women to participate in the construction of public mobility policies and recognizing their needs in public space.

Keywords: bicycle; urban mobility; barriers; women; gender.

The importance of mobility

Mobility is an everyday action that must be constantly studied, reflected upon, and addressed for the benefit of all people. It has become an elusive theoretical, social, technical, and political construct, requiring a holistic review of its implications (Cresswell & Uteng, 2016). Therefore, its conceptualization and understanding involve various aspects, definitions, and approaches, ranging from the most abstract to the most practical (Adey, 2017). A general definition of this concept is that proposed by Figueroa and Forray (2015, p. 54) as an activity related to the “organization of the times and spaces of daily life, allowing individuals to organize their relationships in the various spheres of their social life… [This] is constituted by movements that possess a certain regularity and a character of obligation.” In this definition, it becomes clear that mobility is not simply moving from one place to another, but involves different dimensions such as time, space, relationships, displacements, etc.

There are different approaches to addressing this concept, each prioritizing certain elements or variables. One such approach is that of mobilities, which posits that there is not just one mobility but multiple mobilities, whose characteristics are linked to diverse factors, ranging from the most structural to the most everyday and experiential (Jirón & Gómez, 2018). Mobility studies go beyond the study of displacement itself; they understand human movements as meaningful practices (Salazar, 2016). In other words, mobility is experienced and given meaning in a unique way depending on multiple elements, such as the individual moving, the manner in which they move, the time involved, the context in which they move, and their reasons for moving, among others.

Differences in the mobility of men and women

Jirón and Gómez (2018) indicate that one of the factors producing differentiated mobility experiences is gender, which can often lead to situations of inequality and exclusion, especially when it intersects with other axes of domination such as class, race, and nationality, among others. Studies on the differences in mobility between men and women point to various causes of this situation, among the most relevant being social constructions of gender.

One of the major differences found has to do with what motivates the mobility of men and women, since these reasons They are usually related to the traditional roles with which they have been associated: in men with their role as providers, in which work-related travel predominates, and in women with their role associated with the home and daily tasks, in which travel combined with the care of third parties predominates, which accounts for most of their travel (Figueroa and Waintrub, 2015).

Along these same lines, Criado (2020) highlights the difference that exists between the standards of mobility carried out by men and women, indicating that men's tend to be simple and direct, while women's are usually more complex, since they are usually in charge of unpaid work, which requires a chain of journeys, which are short but interconnected and which cover longer distances.

Jakovcevic et al. (2016), for their part, highlight the differences based on the responsibilities that they assume and the autonomy which they have in terms of mobility. In this regard, they argue that women's travel is mostly related to the home and family support activities; that is, their mobility is interdependent, they depend on others, and often they must carry groceries or people, which limits their mobility and reduces their autonomy. Men's travel, on the other hand, is usually for work-related reasons, meaning they have greater control over their schedules and modes of transportation, and their mobility is more independent. In this sense, Vega (2004, p. 32) indicates that "while men tend to organize their daily lives according to personal logic, women assume the responsibility of articulating the demands of the family unit."

Based on the aforementioned differences related to motives, patterns, responsibilities, and autonomy, it is clear that gender inequalities exist in caregiving practices, leading to inequalities in mobility. Thus, women bear an excessive burden of caregiving activities at home, which also translates into an increased burden on their mobility. This burden can be further compounded by double work shifts, economic hardship, and/or living in areas of high social vulnerability.

Another differentiating factor in mobility between men and women has to do with the conveyance Studies by Criado (2020), Zucchini (2015), Palacios (2012), and Umaña-Barrios and San Gil (2017) show that women make more trips on foot and by public transport, while men tend to travel more by private vehicle, and when a family has only one vehicle, it is the man who uses it most often. Palacios (2012) indicates that the needs of each group of people should be considered in public transport policy, as there are evident differences in mobility and modes of transport among users. However, transport operators believe that such differences do not exist and that everyone's needs are universal; therefore, their statistics do not usually break down the results by sex. In this way, the needs of female passengers are not met (Loukaitou-Sideris cited by Criado, 2020). This is a clear androcentric bias in the study and intervention of mobility.

Regarding differences in transportation options, numerous studies and transportation statistics show that women use bicycles less than men (Farinola, 2015; González et al., 2014; Hérick de Sá et al., 2018; Kienteka et al., 2014). This is because, in addition to facing more acute general barriers to bicycle use in cities, they also encounter cultural barriers related to social stereotypes. While cycling as a means of transportation can address women's mobility needs, as well as benefit their health and finances due to its low cost, the barriers appear to have outweighed the advantages.

Barriers women face when traveling by bicycle

One must learn to be a pedestrian, passenger, driver, and, of course, a cyclist. It requires acquiring the physical techniques to ride a bicycle, but also learning to integrate into mobility systems, just as when learning to walk or drive a car in the city, “one must learn to move in specific ways and in constant relation to fixed or moving objects and bodies, and internalize this knowledge as a practice that gradually becomes natural” (Salazar, 2016, p. 57). It is also important to understand that this learning is contextual and may vary from one region to another.

To use a bicycle, several factors must be considered, including physical, traffic, environmental, journey, and cyclist-related factors (Sousa and Penha-Sanches, 2019). When a cyclist plans a route, they usually consider the following elements, whether consciously or unconsciously: a) the existence of bike lanes or cycle paths, i.e., cycling infrastructure; b) the quality of the pavement; c) streets without inclines; d) the presence of parking on the right side of the street (side parking); e) the need to cross urban barriers such as bridges, tunnels, viaducts, highways, and railways; f) single-lane streets and the width of the road; g) intersections with traffic lights and/or stop signs; h) the speed of traffic in the lane; i) the volume of vehicles in the lane; j) bus and truck traffic; k) street lighting at night; and l) tree cover (shade). m) Fastest route – travel time. n) Shortest route – travel distance. o) Safety. p) One-way streets. q) Unevenness of street edges (curbs) – Unevenness of drainage channels. r) Presence of bus stops. s) Air pollution (Sousa and Penha-Sanches, 2019).

Using a bicycle for transportation is a democratic alternative that is inexpensive to acquire and maintain; it is environmentally friendly, since it does not consume fuel and therefore does not emit greenhouse gases; and it is healthy for those who use it and for those who enjoy a less congested and noisy city. However, the negative aspects of its use cannot be ignored, such as the risk of injury, disability, and death to which cyclists are exposed in traffic (Lopes and Machado, 2012), since cyclists, along with pedestrians, are the most vulnerable road users. In addition to accidents, there are other limitations such as theft, pollution, conflicts with other road users, etc.

Regarding these aspects, several barriers to using bicycles as a means of transportation have been identified. To begin, I will address some of the sociocultural barriers related to gender stereotypes and roles that women face when using bicycles, especially for utilitarian purposes, such as daily commutes to functional destinations like work, the market, school, etc. However, when using bicycles for recreation or sport, they may encounter different barriers. A major limitation is that some women have never ridden a bicycle, others never learned to ride one, or had negative experiences with bicycles in childhood, leading them to abandon them altogether. Nevertheless, many women want to learn to ride but don't feel capable (Palacios, 2012). The main reasons why many women did not learn to ride a bicycle were related to limited access to bicycles, which discouraged them from using them at a young age, and the perceived insecurity of using them as a means of transportation (Santa Cleta and Antropológicas, cited by Huerta and Gálvez, 2016). Furthermore, some women who know how to ride a bicycle do not use it as a means of transportation because they are afraid of riding on the road alongside cars or feel they lack the necessary skills to handle it (Palacios, 2012).

The process of raising children from birth has been marked by gender stereotypes that are culturally reinforced. From childhood, girls have been discouraged from engaging in physical activity, especially high-impact exercise, as it is believed that they cease to be "delicate" or "feminine"—characteristics considered essential to "being a woman." This relates to what De Beauvoir (2020 [1949]) mentions: that femininity is constantly being told it is in danger, and we are urged to continue "being women," to participate in this mysterious and threatened femininity for which there isn't even a clear model, yet we are asked to distance ourselves from anything that puts it at risk, such as, in this case, riding a bicycle.

In relation to the above, Ferreira et al. (2018) indicate that boys are encouraged to participate in sports and other physical activities, while girls are encouraged to engage in typically sedentary indoor activities. Furthermore, a sense of insecurity, lack of social support, and inadequate infrastructure can also lead them to be less active. Gonçalves et al. (cited by Fernandes et al.), 2010) mention that adolescent boys, compared to adolescent girls, have more social and family support to carry out physical activities and that, likewise, they frequently perceive more personal barriers to participation in physical activities in their free time.

Thus, “men are more likely to engage in vigorous-intensity physical activities such as sports and exercise, while women engage in more light/unstructured activities such as dancing and housework” (Fernandes et al., 2010, p. 34). This trend persists throughout life due to complex sociocultural patterns and a range of sociodemographic factors related to their environment (Kirchengast and Marosi cited by Pérez et al., 2012). This does not favor cycling among women, as it is a medium- to high-impact physical activity performed outdoors.

For their part, Kienteka et al. (2014) mention that women also report feeling less confident in the use and maintenance of bicycles than men. Lacking the knowledge and tools necessary to fix a flat tire or adjust a bicycle component while riding is a significant barrier for women, especially in places where there is no easy access to people who can perform these adjustments. Thus, they not only feel insecure about their physical abilities to handle the bicycle properly (fear of falling, being ridiculed, or having an accident) (De la Paz Díaz, 2017) but also about performing its maintenance.

Kienteka et al. (2012), Kienteka and Reis (2017) and Kienteka et al. (2018) have organized into three groups the barriers that cyclists usually face in the city, which affect men and women differently, which can be related to the sociocultural barriers mentioned above based on gender:

1. Environmental – That take into account both physical and natural barriers.

a) Functionality: limitations in bicycle access and conditions for getting around the city. Lack of cycling infrastructure (absence or poor condition), high traffic volume, long distances to destinations, lack of parking, etc. The absence of cycling infrastructure significantly influences women's decision not to use bicycles, as they often doubt their ability to maneuver them and perceive a greater risk in public spaces.

b) Safety conditions for bicycle use and traffic. Infrastructure where conflicts with pedestrians on sidewalks or adverse situations with cars on the road may occur. Presence of heavy traffic.

c) Climate and temperature: rain, excessive heat or cold. Environmental pollution.

2. Individual– These situations involve biological, psychological, cognitive, and emotional factors, as well as decision-making. Factors influencing this group include sex, gender, and age. Other contributing factors include lack of a bicycle, appropriate clothing, or gear, and fears of being attacked or having an accident.
3. Social– They are referring to social support; for example, cycling with another cyclist is considered an approximation of social support for using a bicycle. Lacking this support becomes a barrier. As mentioned previously, social support from one's closest circle is important for women to engage in physical activity and, in this case, to use bicycles as a means of transportation. This support can manifest itself in women having a companion for their journeys, having people who encourage them to use bicycles, or not being judged for doing so.

These barriers also include those related to a lack of security in the face of crime (theft and assault) in dangerous environments. Women face “a fear of the city because they consider it dangerous, since from a young age they are told and have experienced the harassment of the city as a male space” (De La Paz Díaz, 2017, p. 123). The perception of insecurity that women often have regarding public spaces significantly influences their mobility, as it limits their movements. Regarding this perception, there are two positions: on the one hand, that it does not necessarily coincide with actual insecurity (Figueroa and Forray, 2014), but rather seems to be an irrational, unfounded fear that is more complex than the crime itself (Loukaitou-Sideris cited by Criado, 2020). However, it is also noted that crime surveys do not tell the whole story, as they fail to capture a range of threatening sexual behaviors that women face in public spaces. These behaviors, while not constituting a crime, nonetheless create a sense of sexual threat: a feeling of being watched and in danger (Criado, 2020). These intimidating behaviors go unreported because they are not considered crimes, leading women to believe they will not be taken seriously. This is evidenced by the fact that these incidents are not even included in crime statistics. Furthermore, women fear being judged and blamed for the aggression they experience (Criado, 2020).

Given the above, women are twice as likely to feel fear in public spaces (Criado, 2020). This feeling of insecurity may prevent them from considering alternative means of transportation such as bicycles, as they feel more exposed and less protected when having to navigate vandalized, poorly lit, sparsely populated areas with numerous physical barriers, where sexual harassment or other forms of violence are more likely to occur.

It is important to recognize these barriers when formulating public policies and programs that promote cycling, and to understand that these barriers impact women differently, as they experience them more intensely. Institutions tend toward a patriarchal order; therefore, most of those responsible for mobility have rendered women invisible by assuming a supposed "universal or neutral subject" who travels, which ultimately turns out to be a male subject, primarily traveling for work. In this way, women's mobility needs are not taken into account by institutions, which undermines and violates their right to mobility.

The gender gap in cycling is more frequent in contexts where cycling culture is weak or scarce, and “could also be related to infrastructure preferences and cultural norms, including greater risk aversion among women, out-group stereotypes, and experiences of marginalization” (Hérick De Sá et al..(2018, p. 7). The number of women cyclists in Latin America remains very low, making it crucial to review public policies on cycling in the region, as these policies may exhibit sexist biases or be based on a presumed universal subject of mobility, failing to consider women's needs and the barriers they face. This results in the exclusion of women or limited interaction with them in public spaces.

Therefore, Prati (cited by Sousa and Penha-Sanches, 2019, p. 44) mentions that there is little female participation in the use of bicycles as a means of transportation, which is evident in the predominance of male cyclists in the research that has been conducted. Similarly, this low representation of women in research also occurs in the design of cycle-inclusive public policies; this is a way of overlooking the importance of women's role in mobility (Garrard et al., cited by Sousa and Penha-Sanches, 2019).

What can be done in the face of these barriers?

Given the need to encourage the population to use more sustainable means of transport, a series of challenges arise that must be taken into account in any program or policy that intends to promote cycling: reducing cyclist accidents, carrying out comprehensive maintenance of the existing network of bike paths, implementing or strengthening the public bicycle system and reducing bicycle theft; which will not only attract young men to travel by bicycle but also women and people of all ages (Rosas-Satizábal and Rodríguez-Valencia, 2019).

Due to the complexity of the barriers women face when using bicycles as a means of transport, different strategies must be considered to address them, taking into account various dimensions:

Accessibility: The first step in addressing these barriers is ensuring women have access to bicycles, that their costs and maintenance are moderate, and that they have easy access to public bicycles. In this regard, Kienteka et al.. (2014) indicate that to promote urban cycling, programs need to focus more on women and older adults, and that access to this mode of transport should be guaranteed by reducing the cost of bicycles and complementary equipment.

Teaching and physical activity: Promote physical activity and cycling among women from childhood. For young women, adults, and older women who don't know how to ride a bicycle, strategies and teaching programs should be developed to help them learn to control their bodies on the bike, integrate into cycling as a means of transportation, and overcome their fears.

Spatial design and comprehensive safety: Some studies on mobility (Hérick De Sá et al., 2016; Umaña-Barrios and San Gil, 2017) have shown that spatial design influences the perception of safety in public spaces and, therefore, women's mobility. Thus, the design of cycling infrastructure must consider women's needs and their heightened perception of risk. In this regard, the Bogotá Observatory of Women and Gender Equity [OMEG] (2019) identifies some of the variables that should be taken into account in the design of safe bike lanes for women:

– Lighting: Well-lit cycle paths are necessary to allow you to see the road clearly.

– Density of people: That there is a high volume of people present near the bike path.

– Diversity of people: That the presence of people is mixed, of different sexes and ages.

– Presence of security agents: Bike paths with the presence of public force or private security.

– Path: Condition of the bike path or its surroundings, that it is a space where one can walk or run.

– Public transport: Access to this means of transport near the bike path.

– Openness or free vision: This refers to what can be seen while riding, that is, to bike paths that make it possible to see clearly in all directions, allowing the cyclist to assess a possible risk situation.

– Visibility: This refers to the subjects who can see the cyclist while she is riding, that is, bike paths where it is likely that several people will see the cyclist.

Accidents and protective equipmentAccidents should be reduced by building infrastructure exclusively for cyclists and encouraging the use of protective equipment (García et al.., 2013), such as helmet, left-side rearview mirror, bell, lights, reflective clothing, etc. Kienteka and Reis (2017) point out that one way to reduce accidents is by increasing the number of cyclists on the streets, since this makes them more visible to drivers and pedestrians, and also increases the likelihood that drivers are cyclists themselves and consequently more aware of cyclists' rights on the road.

Investigation: Further research on this topic is crucial, given the scarcity of studies in Latin America on women's bicycle use. Such research will contribute to a clearer understanding of women cyclists' needs and improve their conditions in the city. Mobility is a vital aspect of people's lives, making it essential to stay current on this subject.

GenderThis must be considered in all actions, programs, plans, and research on the topic, along with other social factors such as class, race, age, and nationality, among others, which, when intersected with gender, can negatively impact women's bicycle mobility in various ways. We must move beyond the idea of ​​a universal and neutral subject of mobility. It is important to integrate gender into discussions and the promotion of sustainable mobility, using it as another opportunity to continue building more egalitarian and equitable relationships. Institutions must promote a gender perspective in various areas, ensuring women's participation in the development of sustainable urban mobility policies and taking into account their needs as users of public space, which has historically been denied or restricted to them.

Final reflections by way of conclusion

Mobility reflects power structures that become invisible and maintain dynamics characteristic of modernity, in which it is divided (for example, through traditional roles), hierarchized (greater importance is given to male mobility, which is oriented towards production rather than reproduction and caregiving), and dominated (the diversity of women is placed at a disadvantage in terms of mobility). In this way, power relations in mobility are consistent with those found in other areas of daily life.

Mobility is a right and a common activity that people undertake, which must be continuously reviewed, analyzed, and addressed, taking into account different social factors, including gender. In this sense, women and men move differently, for various reasons discussed in this document. However, public mobility policies, urban planning, and transportation management tend to operate under the idea of ​​a universal and neutral subject of mobility, which overlooks the specific needs of women and violates their right to mobility.

Women are primarily pedestrians and users of public transportation, which presents them with numerous barriers to their daily mobility. However, the barriers they face with other modes of transport are much greater. This is the case, for example, with cycling, where they must overcome a large number of individual, environmental, and, above all, sociocultural barriers related to gender stereotypes. Given the complexity of these barriers, diverse strategies must be considered that encompass different dimensions such as accessibility, education, promotion of physical activity, spatial design, comprehensive safety, accident reduction, the use of protective equipment, research, and a gender perspective.

Similarly, the heterogeneity of women who move around cities must be acknowledged. Therefore, other social factors and differences, beyond gender, must be considered, as these intertwine in women's experiences. Some may experience greater oppression and vulnerability in their mobility within public spaces. In other words, an intersectional perspective is also required when it comes to bicycle mobility.

Women's bodies on bicycles in public spaces are a direct affront to the patriarchal order, since it is a space supposedly not ours, and cycling challenges stereotypes of femininity, encompassing everything from clothing to the medium- and high-impact movements involved. Women's use of bicycles can be seen as a form of resistance against capitalism and patriarchy: it is a way of questioning the hegemony of the car industry, which holds sway in our cities, not only on the road but also in spaces it usurps that belong to pedestrians or cyclists, since cars are sometimes parked on sidewalks and bike lanes.

Faced with this hegemonic power, collective resistance emerges, in this case, the collectives of cyclists who organize to encourage us to mobilize and reclaim public space in a different way, using bicycles. This generates a collective and creative power that encourages women to question the gender stereotypes that limit them and, moreover, provides social support for many women who don't find this support in their immediate circles. Thus, in the face of so many barriers, resistance also emerges, seeking to challenge and minimize them, as well as to reclaim our right to public space and mobility free from sexist violence.

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