50 years of Cuba-CARICOM relations: progress, challenges and possibilities
Within the "Latin American Critical Thought Notebooks" Collection, CLACSO presents "50 years of Cuba-CARICOM relations: progress, challenges and possibilities", by Jacqueline Laguardia Martínez, Claudia Marín Suárez and Milagros Martínez Reinosa.
50 years of Cuba-CARICOM relations: progress, challenges and possibilities[1]
Jacqueline Laguardia Martínez[2]
Claudia Marín Suárez[3]
Milagros Martínez Reinosa[4]
Historical context of Cuba-CARICOM relations
The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) comprises fifteen members: Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Montserrat, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. It also has associate members including Anguilla, Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, the Turks and Caicos Islands, and the British Virgin Islands. It is important to note that, among CARICOM members, only Suriname and Haiti are not part of the Commonwealth of Nations, having joined CARICOM in 1995 and 2022, respectively. These two nations are the only two non-English-speaking countries in CARICOM, where the absence of Spanish-speaking countries is particularly striking.
The foundation of CARICOM dates back to the Treaty of Chaguaramas, signed in 1973, which established a community of sovereign states with the aim of fostering regional integration without the establishment of a supranational authority. This treaty laid the groundwork for collaboration among member countries in various strategic areas to promote the region's economic and social development.
Among CARICOM's initial objectives were the adoption of a Common External Tariff and the creation of a Common Market to encourage intraregional trade and industrialization. In 2006, these objectives were expanded with the implementation of the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME), designed to facilitate the free movement of capital, goods, services, and workers among member states, with the exception of the Bahamas, Haiti, and Montserrat. It is worth noting that, while Montserrat is a full member of CARICOM, it is not a sovereign state but rather part of the group of British Overseas Territories.
The independence of the English-speaking Caribbean nations not only spurred regional integration efforts but also enabled the establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba, which had been isolated as a result of the United States' aggressive policies against the revolutionary government. While Haiti had established relations with Cuba in 1904, at the beginning of the republican era, it was necessary to wait until Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago formalized their relations in 1972 to expand Cuba's ties with its closest neighbors.
This event marked the beginning of a new era in the foreign policy of revolutionary Cuba, facilitating collaboration and mutual support with the newly independent Caribbean states. Over the years, Caribbean countries have shown increasing support for Cuba, especially in their condemnation of the blockade imposed by the United States.
Table 1. Establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean[5]
| Antigua and Barbuda | 1994 |
| Bahamas | 1974 |
| Barbados | 1972 |
| Belize | 1995 |
| Dominica | 1996 |
| Granada | 1979 – 1983 // 1994 |
| Guyana | 1972 |
| Haiti | 1904 |
| Jamaica | 1972 |
| Dominican Republic | 1998 |
| Saint Kitts and Nevis | 1995 |
| Santa Lucía | 1992 |
| San Vicente y las Grenadines | 1992 |
| Suriname | 1979 |
| Trinidad and Tobago | 1972 |
Source: self made.
Diplomatic relations between Cuba and the Caribbean countries have undergone a remarkable evolution since the establishment of formal ties. The development of these relations can be divided into several key stages.
Table 2. Stages of relations between Cuba and CARICOM
| Period | Steps |
| De 1959 a 1970 | Restriction of relationships |
| De 1970 a 1979 | Rise of relationships |
| De 1979 a 1983 | Decline of relationships |
| De 1983 a 1990 | Setback in relations |
| De 1990 a 2004 | Reconstitution of relationships |
| From 2004 to present | Regional projection of relations |
Source: Adapted from Laguardia Martínez & Martínez Reinosa (2021, p. 75).
Following the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, relations were significantly restricted due to US political pressure and the inability of the newly independent states to pursue their own foreign policy that challenged the dictates of the hemispheric power. However, the period between 1970 and 1979 was marked by a surge in relations, fostering closer cooperation and more robust support after their establishment in December 1972. This favorable trend declined between 1979 and 1983, followed by a marked setback in relations during the 1980s after the failure of the Grenada Revolution. From 1990 to 2004, diplomatic ties were reconstituted and collaboration intensified. From 2004 to the present, relations have experienced a regional projection, further consolidating Cuba's ties in the Caribbean sphere thanks to joint participation in regional mechanisms such as the Association of Caribbean States (ACS) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America – Peoples' Trade Treaty (ALBA-TCP).
The establishment of high-level mechanisms such as the Cuba-CARICOM Summit, held triennially since 2002, marked a milestone in consolidating these relations. These meetings have facilitated ongoing dialogue and cooperation in areas of common interest and have strengthened regional solidarity. The institutionalization of the Cuba-CARICOM dialogue at the highest political level has enabled effective coordination and improved implementation of joint policies. Cuba's membership in the Association of Caribbean States (ACS) since its founding in 1994 has provided an additional platform for collaboration and integration with the Caribbean.
Table 3. Milestones of the Cuba – CARICOM relationship 1972 – 2000
| Year | Event |
| 1972 | Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago establish diplomatic relations with Cuba |
| 1973 | CARICOM Foundation (July 4) |
| 1983 | Invasion of Granada |
| 1990's | Implosion of the USSR and the socialist bloc in Eastern Europe |
| 1991 | CARICOM Commission visits Havana |
| 1992 | Cuba requests observer status in CARICOM |
| 1993 | Cuba-CARICOM Joint Commission established |
| 1994 | Cuba is a full and founding member of the ACS |
| 1997 | Cuba joins the Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery (CRNM) |
| 1998 | Cuba joins the ACP Group as an Observer |
| 2000 | Cuba becomes a member of the ACP Group |
Source: self made.
The balance of relations between Cuba and CARICOM from 1972 to 2024 reflects a strong mutual commitment and extensive cooperation in various strategic areas. In 2000, the Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and CARICOM was signed with the aim of promoting trade in goods and services, establishing financial agreements to facilitate trade, promoting market access, encouraging the creation of joint ventures, protecting investments, and facilitating the exchange of information. This agreement was updated in 2006 to adapt to new economic and trade realities.
Cooperation between Cuba and CARICOM has expanded significantly in areas such as health, education, disaster risk reduction, higher education, and energy. Both sides share common positions in various international forums, including the UN General Assembly, UNCTAD, WIPO, UNIDO, FAO, WTO, G-77, and SIDS. This international collaboration has been strengthened by the evident political will and capacity of both parties to resolve differences constructively. CARICOM's solidarity with Cuba has been particularly notable in its unanimous stance regarding the blockade imposed by the United States.
Cuba and CARICOM: shared structural conditions and vulnerabilities
Cuba and the CARICOM countries share much more than historical and cultural roots. Despite significant differences in political and economic systems, levels of development, population and territorial size, economic size, participation in regional integration mechanisms and international financial institutions, they share structural characteristics and face similar multidimensional development challenges, largely summarized by their status as Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Among these, we highlight:
Smallness: The small economic and geographical size of the region makes it difficult to build economies of scale, which is one of its main obstacles to development.
Economic Openness and Vulnerability to External Shocks: Dependence on the international economy, especially on trade, investment and cooperation flows, conditions exposure and vulnerability to external events, which is more serious in the case of energy and food since most Caribbean SIDS are net importers of these resources.
Economic Structures with Little Diversification: Their economies are concentrated in a few activities generally linked to the extractive industry, intensive in the use of natural resources and services such as tourism.
Interconnection Problems: Insularity leads to interconnection problems due to the absence of land borders, which has made the development of an intraregional transport system more expensive and difficult, thus creating an obstacle to trade and investment in the region.
Exposure to Climate Change and Extreme Weather Events: The high level of environmental exposure poses an existential challenge for these countries. They not only face the costs of the destructive impact of hurricanes, but significant portions of their territory, including their urban centers, could be submerged if global temperatures continue to rise at the current rate. The multidirectional impacts of climate change include the erosion of ecosystems and biodiversity, destruction of agriculture, reduced tourism revenues, adverse effects on human health, food insecurity, destruction of infrastructure and livelihoods, the need for ongoing budget expenditures, reduced fiscal space and increased public debt, among other harmful effects.
Financial Restrictions: Cuba and the CARICOM members lack the financial capacity to stimulate their own development. Their already high levels of indebtedness worsened after the COVID-19 pandemic. Access to concessional financing is limited because these nations are classified as middle- and upper-income economies according to the World Bank's classification. Since average per capita income is the primary criterion for granting concessional funds and Official Development Assistance (ODA), the Caribbean countries—with the exception of Haiti—face serious obstacles in accessing external financial resources. The inclusion of some of these countries on various unilateral lists constitutes an additional factor hindering their relationship with the international banking and financial system.
Food and Energy Insecurity: Many Caribbean countries are net importers of food and energy. Both the need to guarantee access to these strategic resources and their vulnerability to fluctuations in international prices create tensions in the economies and societies of these countries.
Areas and spaces to deepen the Cuba-CARICOM relationship
The existence of common development challenges and similar structural conditions between Cuba and the CARICOM member countries constitutes a first-rate incentive to deepen coordinated action, political-diplomatic ties, economic-commercial relations, and bilateral and triangular cooperation.
The ties between Cuba and CARICOM are primarily developed along three lines: political-diplomatic, economic-commercial, and cooperation. Beyond the significant progress achieved, supported by positive political relations, convergence on multilateral agenda issues, and cooperation in areas of mutual interest, there is still room to deepen the relationship. Among these, the following stand out:
Political-diplomatic: The political will between the leadership of Cuba and CARICOM to maintain close dialogue and bring viewpoints closer together remains, a common purpose confirmed at the most recent Cuba-CARICOM Summit in 2022, in positions taken on various issues of the multilateral agenda and mutual support for demands and proposals of common interest such as: reparations for slavery; the shared but differentiated responsibilities approach to climate change; the modification of the criteria used for granting concessional financing in favor of an alternative that considers, above average income, the multidimensional vulnerabilities of countries; the Bridgetown Initiative as a proposal for the reform of the international financial architecture; the lifting of the US blockade against Cuba; the relevance of Cuban international cooperation, especially in health matters; and the removal of Cuba from the list of State Sponsors of Terrorism, among others.
Based on respectful treatment and equality regardless of the size of economies, Cuba has acted as a bridge between the Caribbean and the rest of Latin America, facilitating a relationship that remains limited by different communication and political codes, as well as marked economic asymmetries. This has been particularly visible within the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), where Cuban efforts facilitated the inclusion of a permanent CARICOM representative on the troika that leads the organization and have supported the inclusion of Caribbean demands in the mechanism's joint declarations and communiqués.
Economic: Economic relations between Cuba and CARICOM have lagged far behind the level achieved in the political and cooperation spheres. Despite having a Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement, whose second protocol, approved in 2017, allows tariff-free entry for approximately 340 Caribbean products into the Cuban market and preferential access for 85 Cuban products into the CARICOM market, trade volumes remain very small.
Financial restrictions, low exportable goods, insufficient access to foreign currency, the Cuban economic crisis exacerbated by Covid-19, and the ongoing US economic embargo against Cuba, along with logistical limitations, hinder intra-Caribbean trade. A lack of understanding of the workings of institutional and bureaucratic systems on both sides is another significant factor impacting the limited scope of economic ties.
The foregoing allows us to affirm that there are areas to explore and better exploit in order to foster a broader and deeper economic relationship. The Cuban private and cooperative sector has gained significant ground in the Cuban economy and has potential as a driving force in the Cuba-CARICOM relationship. Several CARICOM countries have developed capacities for the production of agri-food and industrial products that Cuba could leverage. Furthermore, it would be advisable to examine non-conventional payment options for transactions between the parties, both those related to trade and those associated with cooperation.
CooperationCuba and the other Caribbean countries have developed close cooperative ties in various areas, with an emphasis—though not exclusively—on health and education, in which Cuba acts as a provider of aid to the insular Caribbean. A total of 14,542 Cuban healthcare workers have provided services in 21 Caribbean countries. Currently, Cuba provides services in 15 Caribbean nations.[6]More than 3,000 Caribbean health professionals have graduated from Cuban universities of medical sciences (Cubadebate, 2024).
Cooperation has also developed in the areas of disaster management and reduction and climate change, including the transfer and adaptation of the Cuban disaster management model to Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, Guyana and the British Virgin Islands; the creation of the Capacity Building Center for Disaster Risk Reduction and Adaptation to Climate Change; exchanges with scientific and technical institutions linked to environmental issues such as the Institute of Meteorology; and the development of projects for the rescue of coastal ecosystems by teams linked to the Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment of Cuba (CITMA).
Cooperation between Cuba and CARICOM also offers a range of untapped opportunities that address the specific advantages and needs of each country. CARICOM requires a skilled workforce, while Cuba possesses highly trained human resources in multiple areas beyond health and education, such as technical specialties related to engineering and telecommunications. This is particularly relevant in the context of digitalization and the development of information and communication technologies, as well as for infrastructure development—areas that attract foreign investment.
The advances in biotechnology achieved by the Cuban science and technology system are primarily known for their application in the field of health and the development of technological platforms for producing vaccines—especially for children—and other products to treat diseases such as diabetes and lung cancer. Introducing these products to the Caribbean would be highly beneficial for both Cuba and the smaller islands, provided they can overcome the barrier of sanitary registration in the receiving countries.
The application of biotechnology in areas beyond public health offers fertile ground for cooperation. Cuba can contribute agricultural and livestock products, as well as specialized knowledge for cultivating specific crops. Furthermore, it has the capacity to train specialized personnel and provide technical assistance through its agricultural and livestock engineers. This could contribute to CARICOM's efforts to achieve greater food sovereignty through the 25% by 2025 Initiative.[7].
In the field of renewable energy, Cuba has experience in generating energy from sugarcane (biomass), as well as in wind and solar power. Cuban technical assistance and plans to advance the transformation of the energy matrix, with the goal of achieving a 24% share of renewable energy sources in electricity generation by 2030, offer promising opportunities for collaboration between energy-demanding countries that need to diversify their energy sources.
The region's rich cultural diversity supports the potential for developing multi-destination tourism and fostering links between cultural and creative industries.
Triangular cooperation is a fundamental mechanism for accessing funds from governmental and multilateral sources. The interest in the Caribbean from various powers, both Western and non-Western, can be an opportunity to attract resources in key areas such as addressing climate change, the energy transition, and digitalization, areas in which Cuba can contribute its human resources and developed capabilities.
Cuba's historical ties of cooperation and its capacity for dialogue with African countries—a region with which CARICOM is intensifying its relations—and with the Global South in general, offer a platform for building common positions in the multilateral arena. This is particularly relevant given the shared status of SIDS (Sustainable Urban Development Regions).
The inclusion of Cuba and other Caribbean countries on unilateral lists—for reasons of different natures—such as those of alleged state sponsors of terrorism or countries that do not cooperate with anti-money laundering regulations, provides space for building a discourse against these instruments of pressure that require coordinated collective denunciations and responses.
Cuba in CARICOM: Reasons to request Associate Member status
In recent years, the desire to strengthen ties with CARICOM has become evident among Hispanic Caribbean states—the Dominican Republic and Colombia—as well as Caribbean territories under the jurisdiction of France and the Netherlands, such as Martinique and Curaçao. These territories have requested to be considered for Associate Member status in the regional organization.
The Associate Member category is a status whose commitments are limited to the scope of cooperation under an integration format and, tooIf Cuba were to aspire to this status, it would have advantages stemming from its long tradition of cooperation with the countries of that regional bloc. However, applying for this status would amount to recognizing and formalizing an existing reality without the obligation to assume the commitments regarding economic integration agreed upon by the full members of CARICOM or to adopt common foreign policy positions. This is the current position of Associate Members, which, as non-independent territories, lack the capacity to implement their own economic, security, or foreign policies. In fact, an examination of the commitments assumed by Cuba in the Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement reveals that the agreement has a broader scope than what would be required for Cuba to assume the status of Associate Member of CARICOM.
Associate membership would offer both parties the opportunity to establish more frequent exchange mechanisms than those offered by triennial summits. Cuba would participate fully in the discussions of various CARICOM committees to which it is regularly invited, thanks to the strong existing cooperative ties. The benefits of permanent involvement in this institutional dialogue are clear, in terms of expanding the capacity for interaction between the parties and fostering ongoing dialogue on issues of common interest.
Final Thoughts
Cuba-CARICOM relations are an example of successful regional cooperation, marked by solidarity, mutual respect and a shared commitment to sustainable development.
From a longer-term strategic perspective, the transition of the international order demands that countries reorganize and rebuild their international alliances. It would be logical for Cuba, which has promoted formal association processes in more distant regions, to do so in its immediate sphere.
In this same vein, the need to strengthen alliances among peers who share multidimensional vulnerabilities to development as SIDS (Small Iberian Developing Countries) becomes increasingly relevant. For Cuba, a formal agreement, grounded in a regional integration institution with over half a century of history, could provide a shield against the challenges of geopolitical transition. For the Caribbean, the relationship with Cuba, in strictly geopolitical terms, represents a reaffirmation of sovereignty in the face of dependence on the United States and the world.
Relations between Cuba and CARICOM recently marked their 50th anniversary. A step such as the one considered here would represent an opportunity to take tangible action to commemorate half a century of relations and to signal a willingness to move toward a higher stage in regional ties. It is high time that, instead of referring to relations between Cuba and CARICOM, we speak of Cuba within CARICOM.
Referências bibliográficas
Laguardia Martínez, Jacqueline and Martínez Reinosa, Milagros (2021). The Foreign Policy of the Cuban Revolution: Half a Century of Cuba–Caribbean Relations. In RM Kirton & M. Anatol (Eds.), Contemporary Issues in Caribbean and Latin America Relations. Lexington Books.
Cubadebate. (2024, May 29). Cuba's Minister of Public Health thanks GAVI Alliance for its support in strengthening the Expanded National Immunization Program. http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2024/05/29/agradece-ministro-de-salud-publica-de-cuba-apoyo-de-la-alianza-gavi-al-fortalecimiento-del-programa-nacional-ampliado-de-inmunizacion/
[1] Text based on the discussion raised in the panel “Cuba as an Associate Member of CARICOM: proposal and perspectives” presented at the 48th Annual Conference of the Caribbean Studies Association (CSA) CSA at 50: Caribbean Development Sustainability- The Convergence of Technology, People, Planet, Peace, Prosperity & Partnerships held in Santa Lucía from June 3 to 7, 2024.
[2] PhD in Economics from the University of Havana. Senior Lecturer at the Institute of International Relations of the University of the West Indies. Co-coordinator of the CLACSO Working Group on Crisis, Responses and Alternatives in the Greater Caribbean.
[3] Master's degree in Economics from the University of Havana. Assistant Researcher and Coordinator of the Latin America and Caribbean Team at the Center for International Policy Research (CIPI). Member of the CLACSO Working Groups Crisis, responses and alternatives in the Greater Caribbean y China and the world power map.
[4] Master's degree in Caribbean Studies from the University of Havana. Executive Secretary of the Norman Girvan Chair of Caribbean Studies at the University of Havana. Member of the Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC). Member of the CLACSO Working Group on Crisis, Responses and Alternatives in the Greater Caribbean.
[5] We will refer to the Caribbean as the group of 16 CARIFORUM member nations that were formerly members of the ACP Group and that today are classified as Small Island Developing States (SIDS): Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Cuba, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Dominican Republic, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago.
[6] In addition to the CARICOM States, it includes non-independent territories in the Caribbean where Cuba has also developed cooperation activities.
[7] The Guyana-led initiative aims to reduce CARICOM's food imports by 25% by 2025.
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